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MA‘MAR IBN RASHID
THE EXPEDITIONS

AN EARLY BIOGRAPHY OF MUHAMMAD

CE Bee AG Re LY oF. ARABIC CIHR A CA Oo RE

Edited and translated by
SEAN W. ANTHONY

With a Foreword by M.A.S. ABDEL HALEEM

The Expeditions

LIBRARY OF ARABIC LITERATURE
EDITORIAL BOARD

GENERAL EDITOR
Philip F. Kennedy, New York University

EXECUTIVE EDITORS
James E. Montgomery, University of Cambridge
Shawkat M. Toorawa, Cornell University

EDITORS
Julia Bray, University of Oxford
Michael Cooperson, University of California, Los Angeles
Joseph E. Lowry, University of Pennsylvania
Tahera Qutbuddin, University of Chicago
Devin J. Stewart, Emory University

MANAGING EDITOR
Chip Rossetti

VOLUME EDITOR
Joseph Lowry

Letter from the General Editor

The Library of Arabic Literature is a new series offering Arabic editions and
English translations of key works of classical and pre-modern Arabic literature,
as well as anthologies and thematic readers. Books in the series are edited
and translated by distinguished scholars of Arabic and Islamic studies, and
are published in parallel-text format with Arabic and English on facing pages.
The Library of Arabic Literature includes texts from the pre-Islamic era to
the cusp of the modern period, and encompasses a wide range of genres,
including poetry, poetics, fiction, religion, philosophy, law, science, history, and
historiography.

Supported by a grant from the New York University Abu Dhabi Institute,
and established in partnership with NYU Press, the Library of Arabic Literature
produces authoritative Arabic editions and modern, lucid English translations,
with the goal of introducing the Arabic literary heritage to scholars and students,

as well as to a general audience of readers.

Philip F. Kennedy
General Editor, Library of Arabic Literature

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LITERATURE

The Expeditions
An Early Biography of Muhammad
by
Ma'mar ibn Rashid
according to the recension of
‘Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani

Edited and translated by

SEAN W. ANTHONY

Foreword by

M.A.S. ABDEL HALEEM

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS
New York and London

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ma’mar ibn Rashid, -approximately 771.
[Maghazi. English]

The expeditions : an early biography of Muhammad / Mamar Ibn Rashid ;
foreword by M.A.S. Abdel Haleem ; edited and translated by Sean W. Anthony.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.

Translated from Arabic.

ISBN 978-0-8147-6963-8 (hardback) -- ISBN 978-0-8147-3829-0 (e-book) --
ISBN 978-0-8147-2929-8 (e-book) 1. Muhammad, Prophet, -632--Biography. 2.
Islam--History. I. ‘Abd al-Razzaq ibn Hammam al-Himyari, 744-827. II.
Anthony, Sean W. III. Title.

BP75.M16 2014
297.6°3--dc23
[B]

2013047489

New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper,
and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability.
Series design by Titus Nemeth.

Typeset in Tasmeem, using DecoType Naskh and Emiri.
Typesetting and digitization by Stuart Brown.

Manufactured in the United States of America
cl0987654321

For Susu and Suraya,

who love Muhammad

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Table of Contents

Letter from the General Editor

Foreword

Acknowledgements

Introduction

Note on the Text

Timeline

Arabia and the Near East in the 7th Century

Mecca and Medina During the Lifetime of the Prophet
Notes to the Frontmatter

THE EXPEDITIONS

The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

The Incident at Badr

The Combatants Whom the Prophet Took Captive at Badr

The Incident Involving the Hudhay] Tribe at al-Raji‘

The Incident Concerning the Clan of al-Nadir

The Incident at Uhud

The Incident Involving the United Clans and the Qurayzah Clan

The Incident at Khaybar

The Expedition of the Triumph

The Incident at Hunayn

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

The Story of the Three Who Remained Behind

Those Who Failed to Accompany the Prophet on the Tabak
Expedition

The Story of the Aws and the Khazraj

The Story of the Slander

The Story of the People of the Pit

The Story of the Companions of the Cave

The Construction of the Temple of Jerusalem

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

The Oath of Fealty to Abt Bakr at the Portico of the Sa‘idah Clan

iii

xiii

XXXxVvii
XXXViii
XXXiX

26
50
58
60
66
76
82
90
94
104
112

130

140
144
148
160
166
172
176
192

Table of Contents

What ‘Umar Said about the Members of the Shura

Abit Bakr’s Designation of “Umar as His Successor

The Oath of Fealty Pledged to Abt Bakr

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah
The Story of al-Hajjaj ibn “Hat

The Dispute between ‘Ali and al-‘Abbas

The Story of Aba Lwlwah, ‘Umar’s Assassin

The Story of the Shura

The Expeditions to al-Qadisiyyah and Elsewhere

The Marriage of Fatimah

Notes

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms
Genealogical Table of the Quraysh of Mecca
Bibliography

Further Reading

Index

About the NYU Abu Dhabi Institute

About the Typefaces

About the Editor-Translator

204
210
212
216
238
244
252
262
266
272

283
315
345
346
356
358
370
371
372

Foreword

Scholars of Arabic literature and readers with an interest in Arabic and Islamic
civilization are now most fortunate to have available to them the works being
published as the Library of Arabic Literature, the first series to attempt a sys-
tematic coverage of the Arabic literary heritage. The editors have already shown
good judgment in selecting books for the series, and the present volume,
‘The Expeditions, an early biography of the Prophet Muhammad by Ma‘mar ibn
Rashid, is no exception.

Ma‘mar ibn Rashid (d. 153/770) was a contemporary of Ibn Ishaq (d. 151/768),
author of the famous Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah (The Prophetic Biography), also
known as Sirat rasul Allah (The Biography of the Messenger of God), which has
come to be widely circulated and is known simply as the Sirah. Alfred Guillaume’s
English translation of Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah was published more than fifty years ago,’
so the English translation of another important early text about the life of the
Prophet Muhammad is well overdue. Indeed, there is a real need for more such
texts from the early Islamic period to see the light of day.

It should be pointed out that these two works are not the earliest writings on
the subject of the Prophet’s life. In his discussion of the genres of maghdzi and
sirah, the Ottoman literary historian Hajji Khalifah (d. 1067/1657) reports that
Ibn Ishaq compiled his work from preexisting materials, and goes on to iden-
tify “Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (d. 93/711-12) as the earliest to gather material on the
topic.” Thus, both Ma‘mar ibn Rashid and Ibn Ishaq must have taken their infor-
mation from written sources as well as authenticated oral reports collected by
‘Urwah and others.’

The major contribution of Ma‘mar ibn Rashid and Ibn Ishaq was to bring the
material from different sources together in one place. Other early Muslim schol-
ars immediately recognized the value of this activity. This is why we have Ibn
Ishaq’s work in a recension by the later Ibn Hisham (d. 212/828 or 218/833), and
Ma‘mar ibn Rashid’s work in a recension by ‘Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani (d. 211/827).
Similarly, written material about the pillars of Islam—including ritual prayer
(salah), the giving of alms (zakah), fasting in Ramadan (sawm), and pilgrim-
age to Mecca (hajj)—cannot be assumed to have appeared for the first time at
the end of the first or at the beginning of the second Hijri century. Muslims had

been continually engaging in ritual activities, and writing about them, since the

Foreword

time of the Prophet. Nor should it be assumed that hadiths (reports about the
Prophet Muhammad) were only written down when al-Bukhari (d. 256/870)
and the other famous collectors of hadiths of that era produced their great com-
pilations. Nonetheless, the compilation by Ma‘mar ibn Rashid of the present
book was significant in its time for preserving the earlier scattered material.

The Arabic edition produced here, carefully edited from the extant manu-
scripts, as well as the translation into lucid English, have been undertaken by
a gifted young scholar. What is more, his detailed introduction contains much
useful guidance for the reader. Scholars of early Islam, Arabists, and interested
readers will find this volume a welcome addition to the literature available and

to their libraries.

Professor M.A. S. Abdel Haleem, OBE
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London

Acknowledgements

The idea for this translation first came to me a decade ago while reading through
the back matter of Michael Cook’s excellent monograph Muhammad, published
in Oxford University Press’s now-defunct “Past Masters” series in 1983. Cook
opined that, given the daunting size of the English translation of Ibn Hisham’s
redaction of the biography of Muhammad compiled by Ibn Ishaq, “an annotated
translation of Ma‘mar ibn Rashid’s account as transmitted by ‘Abd al-Razzaq ibn
Hammam would be a welcome addition to the literature.”* Reading these words
as a first-year graduate student some two decades after they had been written,
I presumed that the feat had already been accomplished. In fact, it had not.

That same first year of graduate study at the University of Chicago, I would
also face the formidable challenges of translating maghdzi literature for the first
time. I was fortunate enough to do so in nearly ideal conditions: in a class super-
vised by Fred M. Donner. I recall with fondness convening in Prof. Donner’s
office in the Oriental Institute. Seated around a large wooden table, my class-
mates and I pored over every jot and tittle of the text under Donner’s tutelage.
It was a great place to begin a journey—a journey made all the more amazing by
the instruction I would receive at the hands of two of the finest Arabists I have
had the pleasure to know, Prof. Wadad al-Qadi and Prof. Tahera Qutbuddin.
To all three of these mentors, I remain profoundly thankful.

In pursuing this project I have incurred many a debt that, for now, I can only
repay with gratitude. I am deeply grateful to Phil Kennedy, James Montgomery,
Shawkat Toorawa, and the rest of editorial board of the Library of Arabic
Literature (LAL), who were so open to taking my project under their wings
and who continued to nurture the project and me as I gradually came to grasp
the incredible vision of the series. Chip Rossetti, LAL’s managing editor, was
a constant guide and ever helpful throughout the project’s realization. Rana
Mikati lent me her keen eye and saved me from a number of errors in translation.
Most of all, my project editor, Joseph Lowry, deserves my deepest gratitude.
Continually challenging me and pushing me to better refine the translation, Prof.
Lowry saved me from many errors and missteps along the way. If this project
is any way successful and its fruits deemed praiseworthy, he surely deserves as
much of the credit as I. “As iron sharpens iron does one person’s wit sharpen the

other’s” (Prov. 20:17). Of course, any faults this work contains are mine alone.

xiii

Acknowledgements

I was fortunate to be able to work on this project unimpeded for the 2012-13
academic year thanks to the generous support of a grant from the National
Endowment for the Humanities and the willingness of the University of
Oregon’s History Department to grant me a yearlong leave. That this volume
joins the ranks of the many illustrious projects funded by the endowment is an
especially great honor. It is my hope that the NEH’s support for the flourishing
of the humanities, and thus enrichment of all humanity’s heritage, will continue
to thrive in the decades and centuries to come.

Many less directly involved in the project also made its current form pos-
sible. I must thank Feryal Selim for helping me acquire digital scans of the Murad
Mulla manuscript from the Siileymaniye Library, as well as my many undergrad-
uate students who allowed me to try out early drafts of this translation in class
and who provided me with interesting and often unexpected feedback. An old
friend, Craig Howell, provided me with great conversation and excellent insight
into how a nonspecialist might read the text.

To my wife and children, I offer my deepest and most heartfelt thanks. You
are beyond all else the inspiration behind my strivings and the center from

which I draw my strength.

Introduction

‘The Expeditions (Ar. Kitab al-Maghazi) by Ma‘mar ibn Rashid (d. 153/770) is
an early biography of the Prophet Muhammad that dates to the second/eighth
century and is preserved in the recension of his student ‘Abd al-Razzaq ibn
Hammam of Sanaa (d. 211/827). The text is exceptional because, alongside Ibn
Hisham’s (d. 218/834) redaction of the prophetic biography of Muhammad ibn
Ishaq (d. 150/767-68),° The Expeditions is one of the two earliest and most semi-
nal examples of the genre of prophetic biography in Arabic literature to have
survived.

Early biographies of the Prophet Muhammad—and by “early” I mean written
within two centuries of his death in 10/632—are an extremely rare commod-
ity. In fact, no surviving biography dates earlier than the second/eighth century.
The rarity of such early biographies is sure to pique the curiosity of even a casual
observer. The absence of earlier biographical writings about Muhammad is not
due to Muslims’ lack of interest in telling the stories of their prophet. At least in
part, the dearth of such writings is rooted in the concerns of many of the earliest
Muslims that any recording of a book of stories about Muhammad’s life would
inevitably divert their energies from, and even risk eclipsing, the status of Islam’s
sacred scripture, the Qur’an, as the most worthy focus of devotion and scholar-
ship. This paucity of early biographies is also partially the result of the fact that,
before the codification of the Qur’an, the Arabic language had not fully emerged
as a medium in which written literary works were produced.

For modern historians enthralled by such issues, the attempt to tease out
the consequences of this chronological gap between Muhammad’s lifetime
and our earliest narrative sources about him can be all-consuming. Debates
thus continue in earnest over whether we may know anything at all about the
“historical Muhammad” given the challenges presented by the source material.
But what is meant exactly by the “historical Muhammad”? Modern historians
speak of the historical Muhammad as a type of shorthand for an historical under-
standing of Muhammad’s life and legacy that is humanistic, secular, and cosmo-
politan. This is to say that any talk of a historical Muhammad is merely an inter-
pretation of his life that is distinct from, but not necessarily incompatible with,
either how his faith community imagined him centuries after his death or how

rival faith communities viewed him through the lens of their own hostile religious

Introduction

polemic. Yet all modern understandings of Muhammad inevitably derive from a
body of texts written by a faith community, for we have no contemporary wit-
nesses to Muhammad’s prophetic mission, and the earliest testimonies that do
survive are penned by outsiders whose depictions and understanding of Islam
in its earliest years are sketchy at best and stridently hostile at worst.° Hence,
to speak of a historical Muhammad is not to speak of the real Muhammad.
We recognize that we seek to understand, explain, and reconstruct the life of
a man using the tools and methods of modern historical criticism. Whatever
form such a project takes, and regardless of the methodology adopted, there is
no escaping the basic conundrum facing all historians of early Islam: they must
fashion their reconstruction of Muhammad’s biography from the memories and
interpretations of the community that revered him as Prophet. In other words,
historians concerned with such topics must dare wrestle with angels.’

Today, many scholars remain steadfastly optimistic that writing a biography
of the historical Muhammad is feasible and worthwhile,® though just as many
take a decidedly more pessimistic view. More than a few have dismissed the
idea of writing Muhammad’s historical biography as fundamentally impossible.”
This debate remains intractable and scholarly consensus elusive. It is my plea-
sure then, and in some ways my great relief, to table this contentious debate and
instead present the reader with one of the earliest biographies of Muhammad
ever composed. This relatively straightforward task, although not without for-
midable challenges, allows one to sidestep the fraught questions surrounding
the man behind the tradition and permit a broader audience to encounter the
early tradition on its own terms.

Much of this book’s contents relate the story one might expect of any telling
of Muhammad’s life. A boy born among the denizens of the Hejaz region of
Western Arabia is orphaned by the unexpected deaths of first his parents and
then his grandfather. As the child grows into a man, omens portend his future
greatness, but his adult life initially unfolds as an otherwise prosaic and humble
one, not too atypical for an Arabian merchant whose life spanned the late sixth
and the early seventh centuries aD. Working for a widowed merchant woman of
modest means, he ekes out an existence in her employ, until he eventually weds
her and strives to live a modest, honorable life in a manner that earns him the
esteem and admiration of his tribe, the Quraysh. The man’s life forever changes
when one night he encounters an angel atop a mountain on the outskirts of his
hometown, Mecca. The angel charges him to live the rest of his days as God’s last
prophet and the steward and messenger of His final revelation to humankind.

xvi

Introduction

This man proclaims his message to be one with the monotheism first taught
by Abraham, the venerable patriarch of the Hebrew Bible and the common
ancestor of the Arabs and Jews. Denouncing the cultic practices surround-
ing Mecca’s shrine, the Kaaba, and the dissolute lives of its patron tribe, the
Quraysh, as pagan, idolatrous, and morally corrupt, the man soon finds him-
self at odds with those who profit both economically and politically from the
status quo. The Quraysh reckon the man’s prophetic message a serious threat
to their livelihood and power, and soon the prophet and his earliest followers
suffer persecutions and tribulations that take them to the precipice of despair.
Yet God at last provides succor to His servants: Two warring tribes, the Aws and
the Khazraj, living in a city north of Mecca called Yathrib, invite the man and his
people to live in their midst, agreeing to submit to whatever peace the Meccan
prophet might bring.

Fleeing persecution, the prophet undertakes his emigration to Yathrib, his
Hijrah, where he establishes a new community (ummah), united not by tribal
affiliation and genealogy but by faith and loyalty to the prophet’s message.
Yathrib becomes Medina, “the Prophet’s city” (madinat al-nabi). The days of
persecution now ending, the prophet leads his followers in battle to conquer
Arabia and forge a new polity guided by God’s hand. These early conquests
augur a greater destiny: the spread of his religion far beyond the deserts of
Arabia. Within a hundred years of the prophet’s death, his community stretches
from Spain to the steppes of Central Asia, and the rest, as they say, is history.

Though the above biographical details are widely known, few laypersons
recognize that none come to us from the Qur’an. Even if the scripture at times
references such events implicitly, it never narrates them. Notwithstanding its
inestimable value, the Qur’an offers little material that might allow the modern
historian to reconstruct the life of its Messenger, even in its most basic outlines.
Moreover, though Muhammad, as God’s Messenger, delivered the Qur’an to
his early followers and thence humanity, Muslims did not regard the Qur’an as
a record of the Prophet’s own words or actions—rather, the Qur’an was solely
God’s Word, and with the death of His Messenger, the canon of the scripture
closed. For detailed narratives of the lives of Muhammad and his Companions
we are wholly dependent on a later tradition external to the Qur’an.

Despite its limited utility in reconstructing the biography of Muhammad,
the sacred corpus known as the Qur’an (Ar. al-qur’an; lit., the “recitation” or
“reading”) is still very likely to be our earliest and most authentic testimony to

Muhammad’s teachings and the beliefs of his earliest followers. The scripture

xvii

Introduction

was organized and arranged into a codex (Ar. mushaf), not within the lifetime
of Muhammad but under his third successor, or caliph (Ar. khalifa), “Uthman
ibn ‘Affan (1. 23-35/644-56). “‘Uthman’s codex was subsequently refined and
reworked under the caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan between 84/703 and
85/704.'° A parallel, albeit much slower and more fraught, process was under-
taken by early Muslims to preserve the prophet’s words and deeds, which led
to the formation of the second sacred corpus of Islam, known collectively as
hadith (Ar. al-hadith; lit., “sayings”), which is distinct from the Qur’an and is
often referred to as “traditions.” Unlike the Qur’an, which Muslims codified in a
matter of decades, the hadith canon took centuries to form.”

The Expeditions belongs to a subgenre of the hadith known as the maghazi
traditions, which narrates specific events from the life of the Prophet Muhammad
and his Companions and whose collection and compilation into a discrete genre
of prophetic biography preceded the canonization of hadith considerably.”
The Arabic word maghdzi does not connote “biography” in the modern sense.
It is the plural of maghzah, which literally means “a place where a raid/expedi-
tion (ghazwah) was made.” The English title I have adopted, The Expeditions, is
serviceable as translations go, but may lead an English-speaking audience to ask
why these traditions are ostensibly gathered under the rubric of Muhammad’s
military campaigns rather than, say, “biography” as such.

As is often the case with translations, the English “expeditions” does not quite
do justice to the fullest sense of the Arabic maghdzi, for much of what this book
contains has little to do with accounts of military expeditions or the glories of
martial feats, although there are plenty of those.’? The word maghazi invokes
the discrete locations of key battles and raids conducted by the Prophet and his
followers, yet it also invokes a more metaphorical meaning that is not restricted
to targets of rapine or scenes of battle and skirmishes. Maghdzi are also sites of
sacred memory; the sum of all events worthy of recounting. A maghzah, there-
fore, is also a place where any memorable event transpired and, by extension,
the maghazi genre distills all the events and stories of sacred history that left
their mark on the collective memory of Muhammad’s community of believers.

The origins of this particular collection of maghdazi traditions (for there were
many books with the title Kitab al-Maghazi)"* begins with a tale of serendip-
ity. As the story goes, Ma‘mar ibn Rashid was a Persian slave from Basra who
traveled the lands of Islam trading wares for his Arab masters from the Azd
tribe. While traveling through Syria trading and selling, Ma‘mar sought out
the rich and powerful court of the Marwanids. Seeking this court out required

xviii

Introduction

boldness: the Marwanids were the caliphal dynasty that reigned supreme over
the Umayyad empire throughout the first half of the second/eighth century.
When Ma‘mar arrived at the court, it was his good fortune to find the royal
family busy making preparations for a grand wedding banquet, and thus eager
to buy his wares for the festivities. Though Ma‘mar was a mere slave, the noble
family treated him generously and spent lavishly on his goods. Somewhat boldly,
Ma‘mar interjected to pursue a more uncommon sort of remuneration: “I am but
a slave,” he protested. “Whatever you grant me will merely become my masters’
possession. Rather, please speak to this man on my behalf that he might teach
me the Prophet’s traditions.”* That “man” of whom Ma‘mar spoke was, by most
accounts, the greatest Muslim scholar of his generation: Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri
(d. 124/742). Indeed, al-Zuhri’s stories about Muhammad and his earliest follow-
ers comprise the bulk of the material Ma‘mar preserves in this volume.

It is somewhat fitting that this book should have had its inception at a banquet,
for the book itself is a banquet of sorts—a feast of sacred memory. This book
takes one not only into halls of history but also through the passages of memory.
Nostalgia permeates its stories. Sifting through its pages, the flavors of memory
wash over the palate: the piquant spice of destiny, the bittersweet flavor of satur-
nine wisdom, the sweetness of redemption, dashes of humor and adventure, and
the all-pervasive aroma of the holy.

The maghdazi tradition in general and Ma‘mar’s Maghdzi in particular are
therefore not merely rote recitations of events and episodes from Muhammad’s
life. They are more potent than that. The maghdazi tradition is a cauldron in
which the early Muslims, culturally ascendant and masters over a new impe-
rial civilization, mixed their ideals and visions of their model man, Muhammad,
and brewed them with the triumphalism of a victory recently savored. Muslims
recorded and compiled these traditions as their newborn community surveyed

the wonders of a journey traveled to a destination hardly imagined at its outset.

The origins and composition of The Expeditions

‘The Expeditions is best understood not as a conventionally authored book pro-
duced by the efforts of a single person but as an artifact of a series of teacher-
pupil relationships between three renowned scholars of the early Islamic
period. These scholars are Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri (d. 124/742) of Medina, Ma‘mar
ibn Rashid (d. 153/770) of Basra, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq ibn Hammam of Sanaa
(d. 211/827). The relationship between the latter two scholars in particular

Introduction

produced a number of books that have survived until our day, this volume being
merely one.'® This serial teacher—pupil nexus is of the utmost importance for
understanding not only how this book came into being, but also for reading the
book and understanding why its structure unfolds the way it does. Simply put,
the traditions contained in The Expeditions represent, for the most part, the lec-
tures of al-Zuhri recorded by Ma‘mar, which Ma‘mar in turn supplemented with
materials from his other, more minor teachers when lecturing to his own stu-
dents. Among these students was ‘Abd al-Razzaq, who committed Ma‘mar’s lec-
tures to writing and thus preserved the book in the form in which it has survived
until today.'? These methods were, in effect, how most books on topics such as
history, law, and religious learning were made in second and third/eighth and
ninth centuries, but more on this below.

What this means, of course, is that Ma‘mar is not the “author” of this text
in the conventional sense, which is not, however, to say that he is not directly
responsible for this text. My assignation of authorship to him is not arbitrary;
in my estimation he remains the pivotal personality responsible for its content
and form, even if speaking of his “authorship” necessarily requires some quali-
fications. The Expeditions actually contains many authorial voices that are not
Ma‘mar’s, including those of his teachers and, more rarely, that of his student
‘Abd al-Razzaq. How does one explain this?

The simplest place to begin is to point out a formal characteristic of early
Arabic literary texts that dominates most narrative writing from the time of its
emergence in the first half of the second/eighth century. This formal charac-
teristic is the isnad-khabar (“chain-report”) form, a crucial couplet that forms
the building blocks of sacred, historical, and even literary narratives and that
gives rise to the distinctively anecdotal character of Islamic historical writing
and much of Arabic literature.'* The word khabar and its more sacred counter-

part hadith convey the sense of “report,” “account,” or even “saying.” (‘This last
meaning is especially true for the word hadith, most frequently used to refer to
the sayings of the Prophet.) The word isndd, on the other hand, refers to a chain
of supporting authorities that ostensibly certifies the veracity of the account.
Every text utilizing this form begins by citing a chain of successive authorities
who passed on the story one to another, and only then proceeds to relate the
actual narrative.

In practice, the process works like this: Ma‘mar’s student ‘Abd al-Razzaq
commits to memory and records his teacher’s tradition (i.e., a khabar as related

by him) but ‘Abd al-Razzaq also memorizes the chain of authorities (isndd) that

Introduction

Ma‘mar cites before he begins relating his tradition. This chain of authorities
presumably goes back to eyewitnesses of the events, although in practice this is
not always the case. Such chains are also cumulative. On any subsequent occa-
sion in which ‘Abd al-Razzaq relates the tradition, he will begin by citing Ma‘mar
as his authority for the account and then continue to list all of Ma‘mar’s authori-
ties before he relates the text of the account itself. Although citing isndds is an
archaic tradition, it is also a living one: Muslims today still relate such traditions
with chains of transmission that reach back to the first generation of Muslims.”

These narratives are usually fairly short, although a khabar can be rather long
in the maghazi genre. Khabars tend to remain relatively short, for example, in
works concerned with Islamic ritual and law. The important point to keep in
mind is that they are self-contained textual units that proliferated among early
Muslims before the existence of any book or any similar type of systematic com-
pilation gathered them together—that is, their transmission was initially oral
and their reception initially aural. Such narratives were gathered and preserved
by the earliest compilers like precious pearls, worthy of appreciation on the
merits of their individual beauty and value alone. Yet, like any collector of pearls
is wont to do, these precious pearls of narrative were also arranged to make lit-
erary necklaces of sorts, which became the first books. These books could be
arranged according to diverse interests: legal and ritual topics (figh), the exege-
sis of the Qur’an (tafsir), or, as in the present case, stories of the Prophet’s life
and the experiences of his earliest followers. With this systematic presentation
of narrative material, the literary phase of early Islamic historiography begins.”°

It is difficult to date the beginnings of maghazi literature with precision
because the earliest exempla of the genre are lost or are only partially preserved,
sometimes in highly redacted forms, in later works. Ma‘mar ibn Rashid’s most
influential teacher, Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri of Medina, is a crucial trailblazer in the
composition of maghazi traditions, but the Islamic tradition names other schol-
ars who predate al-Zuhri. Two of these merit particular mention.

Aban ibn “Uthman (d. 101-5/719-23), a son of the third caliph “Uthman ibn
‘Affan (r. 23-35/644-55), is reported as being among the first, if not the first,
to write a book containing “the conduct (siyar) of the Prophet and his expe-

ditions (maghazi).’™

The sole person to relate a detailed story of Aban’s writ-
ing activities is the Abbasid-era historian al-Zubayr ibn Bakkar (d. 256/870).
According to him, Aban’s project to compile the story of Muhammad’s life
was first undertaken in 82/702 at the behest of the Umayyad prince, and later

caliph, Sulayman ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, who even furnished Aban with ten scribes

Introduction

(kuttab) and all the parchment he required for the project. Sulayman, how-
ever, was incensed when he actually read the fruit of Aban’s labors: the text
was bereft of tales of Sulayman and Aban’s Umayyad ancestors from Mecca and
was instead chock-full of the virtues of Muhammad’s Medinese Companions,
the Allies (Ar. al-ansar). How could this be, the prince demanded, when the
Allies had betrayed the caliph “Uthman, of blessed memory, and Aban’s father
no less! In al-Zubayr ibn Bakkar’s account, Aban retorted that all he had writ-
ten was true, in spite of whatever culpability they shared in ‘Uthman’s assas-
sination in 35/656. Hearing none of it, Sulayman consulted his father, the caliph
‘Abd al-Malik, who ordered the book burned to ashes.”* This is all one ever hears
of Aban’s book of maghdazi, and scant trace of his writings otherwise remain,
if indeed they ever existed.”

The situation is more promising for the writings of Aban’s contemporary,
the prominent scholar of Medina ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (d. ca. 94/712-13).
Like Aban, ‘Urwah was the son ofa prominent early Companion of Muhammad,
al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam (d. 35/656). Furthermore, his mother was the daugh-
ter of the first caliph of Islam, Abt Bakr al-Siddiq, and sister to Muhammad’s
favorite wife ‘A’ishah. Indeed, ‘Urwah’s maternal aunt ‘A’ishah often serves as
a key authority for “Urwah’s accounts, if one considers his chain of authorities
(isnad) genuine. The man was extraordinarily well connected and deeply imbed-
ded in the circles of the elite of the early Islamic polity.

Although no work of “Urwah’s has survived per se, his impact on the works
surviving from subsequent generations can be better scrutinized and gauged
than can Aban ibn ‘Uthman’s. Modern scholars who have dedicated themselves
to excavating later collections for survivals of ‘Urwah’s traditions have con-
cluded that the broad outlines of at least seven events from Muhammad’ life,
ranging from his first revelation and his Hijrah to Medina to his many battles
thereafter, can be detected even if the original wording of ‘Urwah’s accounts
may be lost.”* Indeed, judging by the citations thereof contained in The Expedi-
tions, this corpus of traditions from “Urwah proved to be seminal for Ma‘mar’s
teacher al-Zuhri. Several redacted letters attributed to “‘Urwah discussing events
from Muhammad’s life ostensibly also survive in the work of a later historian,
Abi Ja‘far al-Tabari (d. 310/923). Curiously though, all the letters are addressed
to the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan, who is otherwise known
for his opposition to such books, preferring instead to promote the study of
the Qur’an and Sunnah (i.e., scripture and religious law), as witnessed in the

above story of Aban ibn ‘Uthman’s efforts to compile such traditions.** Despite

Xxii

Introduction

considerable advances in our knowledge of ‘Urwah and his corpus in recent
decades, the fact remains that his corpus is now lost and its exact contours are
the object of speculation (albeit well informed). The authenticity of the ‘Urwah
corpus is still being vigorously debated.”°

The author of The Expeditions, Ma‘mar ibn Rashid, was born in 96/714 and
was active two generations after Aban and “Urwah. Ma‘mar was a slave-client
(Ar. mawla; pl. mawali) of the Huddan clan of the Azd, a powerful Arab tribe
that had its base of power in Ma‘mar’s native Basra as well as Oman. Like many
scholars of his generation, Ma‘mar was of Persian extraction. However, having
lived in the midst of the Islamic-conquest elite all his life, he was deeply
entrenched in their culture and had thoroughly assimilated their language and
religion, Arabic and Islam, which he claimed as his own. Indeed, his native city
of Basra originated not as a Persian city but rather as an Arab military garri-
son built upon the ruins of an old Persian settlement known as Vaheshtabadh
Ardashir near the Shatt al-‘Arab river. The early participants in the Islamic con-
quests constructed their settlement on this site in southern Iraq out of the reed
beds of the surrounding marshes in 14/635, soon after they had vanquished the
Persian armies of the moribund Sasanid dynasty. Basra continued to function
as one of the main hubs of culture for the Islamic-conquest elite throughout
Ma‘mar’s lifetime. Ma‘mar served his Azdi masters not as a domestic slave or
fieldworker, but as a trader, probably mostly of cloth and similar fineries. Such
was the lot of many slaves in the early Islamic period: they were often skilled as
traders, artisans, or merchants of some type, and in bondage would continue to
practice their livelihood, only with the added necessity of paying levies on their
profits to their masters, who in turn granted them access to the wealth, power,
and prestige of the new Islamic-conquest elite.

Ma‘mar’s duties to his Arab masters required such remuneration, but the
burden does not seem to have hampered his freedom of movement and associa-
tion. He began to study and learn the Qur’an and hadith at a tender age as he
sought knowledge from the famed scholars of his native Basra, such as Qatadah
ibn Di‘amah (d. 117/735) and al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 110/728-29), whose funeral he
attended as an adolescent. Indeed, it was his trading that enabled him to journey
afar and pursue knowledge and learning beyond the environs of Basra. In time,
his trading took him to the Hejaz, the cultural and religious heart of Islamic soci-
ety in his era, as well as to Syria, the political center of the Umayyad empire,
which stretched from Iberia to Central Asia when he first embarked on his stud-
ies of maghazi traditions. He spent the final years of his life, likely from 132/750

xxiii

Introduction

onward, as a resident of Sanaa in Yemen, where he married and where he would
pass away in 153/770.

The preponderance of materials transmitted by Ma‘mar in The Expeditions
derives from his teacher, the Medinese scholar Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri. Al-Zuhri
was a master narrator of the maghdzi genre and, after his most accomplished stu-
dent Muhammad ibn Ishaq (d. 150/767-78), is the most seminal practitioner of
the genre in early Islamic history. Ma‘mar first encountered al-Zuhri in Medina,
while trading cloth on behalf of his Azdi masters. There, Ma‘mar claims, he stum-
bled upon an aged man surrounded by a throng of students to whom he was lec-
turing. Already having cut his scholarly teeth when studying with the scholars of
his native Basra, the young and inquisitive Ma‘mar decided to sit down and join
their ranks.”” Ma‘mar’s encounter with al-Zuhri in Medina impressed him pro-
foundly, although it was likely somewhat brief. In Medina, it seems, his encoun-
ters with al-Zuhri were mostly those of a curious young onlooker. It was not until
al-Zuhri had relocated his scholarly activities to the Umayyad court in Rusafah
and begun to serve as a tutor to the sons of the caliph Hisham ibn ‘Abd al-Malik
(r. 105-25/723-43) that Ma‘mar would once again encounter the aged scholar.

Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri was a formidable figure. His origins were at the farthest
end of the social spectrum from Ma‘mar’s servile class: al-Zuhri was of the inner-
most circles of the conquest elite. He was not merely an Arab and a Muslim;
he was also a descendant of the Zuhrah clan of Mecca’s Quraysh, from whose
loins the religion of Islam and caliphal polity had sprung. The Quraysh domi-
nated the articulation of Islam and the affairs of its polity from an early date.
Although many of al-Zuhri’s students, like Ma‘mar, were non-Arab clients of ser-
vile origin, al-Zuhri reputedly preferred, if feasible, to take his knowledge only
from the descendants of Muhammad’s early followers from the Quraysh and
from those Arabs who gave Muhammad’s early followers shelter in Medina.”*
Indeed, al-Zuhri attributed his own vast learning to four “oceans” of knowledge
(Ar. buhir) he encountered among the scholars of Quraysh who preceded him:
Sa‘ld ibn al-Musayyab (d. 94/713), “‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (d. 94/712-13), Abu Sal-
amah ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman (d. ca. 94/712-13), and “‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah
ibn ‘Utbah (d. 98/716).”° Furthermore, al-Zuhri was deeply entrenched within
the Umayyad state apparatus and its elite, and this at a time when many of his
fellow scholars looked askance at any association with the state. A contempo-
rary Syrian scholar, Makhul (d. ca. 113/731), reportedly once exclaimed, “What a
great man al-Zuhri would have been if only he had not allowed himself to be
corrupted by associating with kings!”*°

Xxiv

Introduction

The caliph Hisham brought al-Zuhri from Medina to his court in Rusafah,
where the scholar remained for approximately two decades (i.e., nearly the
entirety of Hisham’s caliphate), only leaving the caliph’s court intermittently.”
Rusafah, located south of the Euphrates, was once a Syrian Byzantine city
named Sergiopolis and was renowned as a destination of pilgrimage for Chris-
tian Arabic-speaking tribes visiting the shrine of the martyr St. Sergius as well as
for its many churches. Hisham renovated the city and revived the settlement as
the site of his court, building a mosque and palaces famous for their cisterns.*”
In Rusafah, Hisham compelled al-Zuhri to begin writing down traditions about
the Prophet Muhammad’s life, as well as about other matters. This was likely
against the scholar’s will, as the recording of hadith in writing remained a con-
troversial issue at the time. Part of Hisham’s commission included the employ-
ment of state secretaries (kuitab) to record al-Zuhri’s lectures as he related them
to the Umayyad princes, producing by some accounts a considerable body of
written work.**

It was during al-Zuhri’s residence at the caliph’s court in Rusafah that Ma‘mar
journeyed there as a trader hoping to sell his wares. He humbly requested the
attendees at a marriage banquet to grant him access to al-Zuhri and, thus, to
the scholar’s famed learning. According to his own testimony, Ma‘mar took the
majority of his learning from al-Zuhri while he resided in Rusafah, where Ma'mar
claims he had al-Zuhri nearly all to himself.** Ma‘mar learned al-Zuhri’s tradi-
tions via two means: audition (sama‘) and collation via public recitation (‘ard)—
meaning that once Ma‘mar had memorized the traditions he would recite them
back to al-Zuhri for review and correction. The combination of these two fea-
tures of Ma‘mar’s studies with al-Zuhri rendered his transmission of al-Zuhri’s
materials highly desirable in the eyes of other scholars.** It is likely that Ma‘mar
remained in Rusafah, or at least Syria, even beyond al-Zuhri’s death in 124/742.
He testifies to having witnessed al-Zuhri’s personal stores of notebooks (dafatir)
being hauled out on beasts of burden for transfer to some unspecified location
after the caliph al-Walid II ibn Yazid was assassinated in a coup d’état by Yazid HI
in Jumada II 126/ April 744.°°

After the coup had toppled Walid I, Syria descended into a vortex of violence
that made life there precarious; even the Umayyad dynasty did not survive the
ensuing conflicts that collectively came to be called the Third Civil War (fitnah).
The denouement of this conflict in 132/750 also saw the ascendance of a new
caliphal dynasty, the Abbasids.*’ It was likely this tumultuous series of events
that caused Ma‘mar to journey far to the south, to Sanaa in Yemen. Scholars of

Introduction

any sort, let alone one of Ma‘mar’s stature, seem to have been rare in the region
at the time, so the locals quickly made arrangements to marry him to a local
woman with the hope of tethering him to the city for the long haul.**

In Yemen, Ma‘mar’s most promising and, in due time, most famous pupil
was ‘Abd al-Razzaq ibn Hammam al-San‘ani. Of the twenty-odd years Ma‘mar
reputedly spent in Yemen until his death in 153/770, his relationship with ‘Abd
al-Razzaq spanned the final seven to eight years.*® The importance of ‘Abd
al-Razzaq’s role in the preservation of Ma‘mar’s learning is beyond doubt. This
is in part due to the considerable scholarly output of ‘Abd al-Razzaq himself,
which included the ten surviving volumes of his own hadith compilation, the
monumental al-Musannaf. However, ‘Abd al-Razzaq was also the first scholar to
transmit and present Ma‘mar’s scholarship in a recognizably “book-like” form.*°

Early Muslim scholars did not usually compose books in order to display
their scholarly prowess. Indeed, to possess such books for any purpose except
private use could considerably harm one’s scholarly reputation, as it suggested
that one’s knowledge (Ar. ‘ilm) was not known by heart, and therefore not truly
learned.*! Knowledge was, in this sense, expected to be embodied by a scholar
and only accessible by personally meeting and studying under said scholar. As a
general rule, books were for private use, not public dissemination. This attitude
toward writing and knowledge, indeed, was the root of al-Zuhri’s alarm when
the Umayyad caliph Hisham compelled him to have his knowledge copied into
books. Ma‘mar, one of al-Zuhri’s closest students at Rusafah, seems to have first
seen al-Zuhri’s private collection of notebooks only after they were removed
from his teacher’s private storage (Ar. khazdin) after his death, for al-Zuhri’s
books were largely irrelevant to the interpersonal process of the transmission
of knowledge that Ma‘mar enjoyed under his tutelage. Books were no substitute
for the authenticating relationship between a scholar and his pupil. Those who
had derived their knowledge only from books were scorned. Indeed, when a
Damascene scholar who had purchased a book by al-Zuhri in Damascus began
to transmit the material he had found therein, he was denounced as a fraud.”

Hence, it was as a compliment to his revered teacher’s learning and to his
awe-inspiring ability to recall vast stores of hadith from memory at will that ‘Abd
al-Razzaq would remark that he never once saw Ma‘mar with a book, except for
a collection of long narratives (as one finds in The Expeditions, for instance),
which he would occasionally take out to consult.’ However, it would be inac-
curate to say that written materials had no role to play whatsoever. Teachers
could and did bestow private writings on students or close confidants. Such

Xxvi

Introduction

writings, it seems, would fall somewhere between the “lecture notes” used by
scholars as an aide-mémoire and the published books produced by later genera-
tions. Ma‘mar reputedly composed such a tome (Ar. sifr) for his fellow Basran
scholar Ayyub al-Sakhtiyani on one occasion,“ and for ‘Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani
on another.** The Expeditions may have been one such work preserved in the
course of ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s indefatigable pursuit of knowledge: what Sebastian
Giinther has designated as a “literary composition.”** Simply put, although
The Expeditions was the product of Ma‘mar’s lectures to ‘Abd al-Razzaq, the
end product was a composition polished enough to be disseminated to others
and not restricted to Ma‘mar’s private use. Hence, although the work was the
product of a teacher’s lessons and granted to a student to transmit as such,
‘The Expeditions, as well as other compositions like it, functioned as a work that
conformed to a literary form and was organized according to a topical and well-
thought-out presentation of material.

However, such books were not intended to replace the memorization of
received knowledge. The practice of memorization was still cultivated with the
utmost care. ‘Abd al-Razzaq would fondly recall Ma‘mar feeding him the fruit
of the myrobalanus plant (Ar. halilaj), presumably to sharpen his memory.””
Memorization would remain the sine qua non of scholarly mastery for some
time to come. Yet even ‘Abd al-Razzaq had considerable resources at his dis-
posal to aid his preservation of vast amounts of hadith, exceeding the capac-
ity of even the most prodigious memory. When he attended lectures of learned
men alongside his father and brother, ‘Abd al-Razzaq reputedly brought with
him an entourage of stationers (Ar. warraqiin) to record what they had heard
via audition.*®

The preservation of texts such as Ma'mar’s The Expeditions is admittedly not
entirely straightforward, but this is in large part due to the fact that the genres
of Arabic prose were still inchoate and evolving. With the exception of scattered
papyrus fragments that testify to their material existence,” none of the second/
eighth-century works of Arabic historical writing survives into modern times,
save in later recensions. These recensions themselves are often at least two gener-
ations removed from the work’s putative author. Hence, the works of the master
architect of the maghdzi genre, the Medinese scholar Muhammad ibn Ishaq
(d. 150/767-68), survive, but only in abridged, and perhaps even expurgated, ver-
sions of later scholars such as Abi Ja‘far al-Tabari (d. 310/923), ‘Abd al-Malik ibn
Hisham (d. 218/834), and al-‘Utaridi (d. 272/886).°° That Ma‘mar’s Expeditions

XXxvii

Introduction

itself only survives in the larger, multivolume compilation of his student ‘Abd
al-Razzaq al-San‘ani called the Musannaf is therefore not in the least atypical.

The two works of Ma‘mar and Ibn Ishaq can be fruitfully compared. Com-
piled at the behest of the Abbasid caliph al-Mansir (r. 136-58/754-75),°' Ibn
Ishaq’s Book of Expeditions (Kitab al-Maghazi) is a massive enterprise, a master-
piece of narrative engineering that recounts God’s plan for humanity’s universal
salvation, at the apex of which appears the life of Muhammad, Islam’s prophet.”
Ibn Ishaq’s work dwarfs Ma‘mar’s. The Cairo edition of the Arabic text of Ibn
Hisham’s redaction of Ibn Ishaq’s work, al-Sirah al-nabawiyyah (The Prophetic
Life-Story), runs to over 1,380 pages of printed text. The full version as conceived
by Ibn Ishaq, had it survived, would have been far longer. Originally, the struc-
ture of Ibn Ishaq’s Kitab al-Maghazi appears to have been tripartite: al-Mubtada’
(“the Genesis,” relating pre-Islamic history and that of the Abrahamic proph-
ets from Adam to Jesus), al-Mab‘ath (“the Call,” relating Muhammad’s early
life and his prophet career in Mecca), and al-Maghdazi (“the Expeditions,” relat-
ing the events of his prophetic career in Medina until his death). In addition to
these three sections, there might have existed a fourth: a Tarikh al-khulafa’, or
“History of the Caliphs.”**

Ma‘mar’s Expeditions, by contrast, is a far more slender, economical volume,
even though it covers similar ground. The Expeditions is a substantial, though
probably not exhaustive, collection of al-Zuhri’s maghazi materials. Most of the
major set pieces are present, though there appear to be some glaring omissions,
suchas the ‘Aqabah meetings between Muhammad and the Medinese tribes prior
to the Hijrah.** Though some scholars have raised questions about these missing
pieces from Ma‘mar’s Expeditions, which for whatever reason ‘Abd al-Razzaq did
not transmit, such traditions are likely to be few and far between, if indeed they
ever existed.** Hence, the extensive “editing” of Ibn Ishaq’s materials that one
finds in Ibn Hisham’s version of Ibn Ishaq’s text, for instance, is sparsely present,
if not entirely absent, from ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s recension of Ma‘mar’s work.

Furthermore, Ma‘mar’s narrative in The Expeditions seems, unlike the gran-
diose architecture one finds in Ibn Ishaq’s work, to have been compiled without
a strong concern for chronology. It does begin with a solid chronological struc-
ture: At the outset, we encounter Muhammad’s grandfather, ‘Abd al-Muttalib,
fearlessly facing down the war elephant and troops of the Axumite vicegerent
Abrahah as they march against Mecca. Soon thereafter we witness the fame and
divine favor he earns for his steadfast commitment to God’s sacred city and its

shrine, the Kaaba, when the location of its sacred well, Zamzam, first discovered

xxviii

Introduction

by Abraham’s son Ishmael, is revealed to him. The narrative marches onward
through Muhammad’s birth, youth, adulthood, call to prophecy, and even epi-
sodes from his Meccan ministry prior to undertaking the Hijrah to Medina.
However, after this stretch, the narrative’s wheels appear to fall off and we are
suddenly witnessing the treaty of al-Hudaybiyah some six years after the Hijrah.
Its purposeful march seems to halt and then begin to careen from one episode
in Muhammad’s life to the next without a strong interest in chronological order.
Still, one must be careful not to overstate the case. The main battles of the Medi-
nese period appear in chronological order, and the stories of Muhammad’s
succession, the conquests, and the Great Civil War (al-fitnah al-kubra) appear
after the story of the Prophet’s death and roughly in chronological succession.
As Schoeler observed, chronology is not determinative for the text’s structure;
Ma‘mar’s approach is, instead, rather ad hoc.*° Yet this is not to say that Ma‘mar’s
approach is not also haphazard. The chapter headings, for instance, seem to
reflect Ma'mar’s division of the work. Although some of these headings appear
redundant at first glance, a closer reading suggests that the somewhat redundant
chapter headings function as a divider to mark off materials Ma‘mar transmits
from al-Zuhri from those he transmits from other authorities, such as Qatadah
or ‘Uthman al-Jazari. One must emphasize that even if the chronological arc
of Muhammad’s life does not determine the book’s structure, its arc remains
implicit within each episode.

In summary, the importance of The Expeditions by Ma‘mar ibn Rashid is multi-
faceted. As an early written work of the second/eighth century, and as one of the
earliest exempla of the maghazi genre, Ma‘mar’s text is a precious artifact of the
social and cultural history of a bygone age that witnessed the birth of Arabic as
a medium of writerly culture. The text demands the attention of specialist and
non-specialist readers alike, due to its intrinsic value as an early source for the
lives of Muhammad and his earliest followers. It is for us moderns an indispens-
able window onto how early Muslims attempted to articulate a vision of their

Prophet and sacred history.

Xxix

Note on the Text

The English Translation

The two guiding lights of this English translation have been fidelity and readabil-
ity, and I have sought to balance one against the other. With fidelity to the Arabic
text comes the hazard of a rendering so wooden and cold that the translation
is alienating or unintelligible. With readability in English comes the hazard of
bowdlerization, producing a text so pureed that the hearty textures of its origi-
nal cultural and historical contexts vanish. My hope is that the reader will find
much that is delightful, curious, and surprising in the text but that the idiom of
the translation and of the original Arabic will work hand in glove and allow the
text to come to life.

Readers uninitiated to the genres of prophetic biography and hadith will
likely find some features of the text difficult to adjust to at first, so some words of
advice on reading the text are in order. First, the presence of chains of transmis-
sion, isnads, between reports may seem disjointed initially. It may be helpful to
view them as a snapshot of the context in which the text was being read aloud—
an exchange between a teacher and a pupil. The context remains conspicuous
thanks to the chains of transmission, which serve almost as a frame story in
which a storyteller relates the narratives about Muhammad and his Companions.

Second, much of the text is not in chronological order, and for this reason
the reader should not feel obligated to read the chapters in the order presented
by the text. I have included a timeline of events to aid the reader in ascertaining
what events happen when. I have also listed these events according to the cal-
culations attributed to al-Zuhri, Ma‘mar’s teacher. I have done so for pragmatic
reasons, not because I believe they are necessarily the most correct. Indeed,
al-Zuhri’s calculations occasionally depart considerably from the standard dates
one is likely to find in a textbook. With that being said, and despite Ma‘mar’s
pragmatic approach to chronology, the first chapter remains, in my opinion, the
best place to begin. There the reader will find stories of Muhammad’s youth, his
growth into manhood, and his call to prophecy.

Finally, the bilingual nature of this text has determined many of the decisions
I have made along the way, and I have chosen to see the presence of the Arabic

edition as freeing rather constricting in making decisions about translation.

Note on the Text

The reader who is bilingual in Arabic and English, or at least aspiring to be, is

advised to note the following:

Chains of transmission, isndds, are set in a smaller font, and I have made
explicit the teacher-pupil relationship in the translation where the
Arabic merely has ‘an (“from”), by translating the preposition as “on the
authority of...”

In the Arabic edition, I have retained honorific invocations for the
Prophet and his Companions, such as salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa-sallam
(God bless him and keep him) and radiya Allahu ‘anhu (May God be
pleased with him), but I have omitted them in most cases from the
English translation.

I freely replace demonstratives and pronouns with their referents to
remove ambiguity and vice versa when English style so dictates.
Transitional phrases and conjunctions (fa-, thumma, hatta idhd,
baynama, lamma, etc.) lend themselves to multiple translations; thus,
I have taken the liberty to translate their sense into a variety of nonliteral
English permutations.

Dense and idiomatic Arabic expressions that literal translations into
English would leave abstruse have been unpacked, and I have often
departed from the syntax of the Arabic original in order to render the
text into more idiomatic English.

Similarly, the repetitive use of gala/qdlat, “he/she said,” in the text would
try an English speaker’s patience if translated literally; therefore, I have
freely translated the verb as he or she said, replied, answered, declared, etc.
Many technical terms are directly translated into English, hence “the
Sacred Mosque” for al-masjid al-haram and “Emigrants” and “Allies”
rather than al-muhdjirin and al-ansar. Yet I have also adopted the angli-
cized equivalents of other technical terms given their widespread use in
English—e.g., hajj for hajj, rather than “Pilgrimage,” Hijrah for hijrah
rather than “Emigration,” and Shura for shura rather than “Consultative
Assembly”—mostly due to the imprecision of their English equivalents.
(“Pilgrimage,” for instance, does not allow one to distinguish efficiently
between the seasonal and non-seasonal pilgrimages: the hajj versus
the ‘umrah.) All such words, likely to be unfamiliar to the nonspecialist
reader, can be located in the glossary.

For quotations from the Qur’an, I cite the translation of M.A.S. Abdel
Haleem; however, I have also significantly modified Abdel Haleem’s

XXxi

Note on the Text

translation when his rendering is either at odds with or does not suffi-
ciently illuminate the interpretation of the Qur’an suggested by the nar-
rative. Also, there is a minor discrepancy in the manner in which cita-
tions of the Qur’an are found in the Arabic edition and the translation
that merits the reader’s attention. Citations of the Qur’an often appear
in the Arabic edition in a truncated form. This citational practice repro-
duces the manuscript and reflects the cultural context in which the text
was produced, a context that assumed a baseline fluency in the Qur’an
that is now rare among a modern readership, whether Muslim or non-
Muslim. I have thus included qur’anic citations in their entirety in my
English translation for the sake of readers lacking an intimate familiarity
with the Qur’an.
A note on Arabic names: The forms of names one encounters in Arabic litera-
ture can be quite daunting for the uninitiated, but the system is easy to learn
with a little time. A typical full name consists of a personal name (ism) followed
by a genealogy (nasab) that starts with one’s father and continues back several
generations. The nasab is recognizable by the words ibn and bint, which mean
“son” and “daughter,” respectively. Hence, Ma‘mar ibn Rashid literally means
“Ma‘mar, the son of Rashid” and Asm@ bint ‘Umays means “Asma, the daughter
of ‘Umays.” In spoken address, convention often dictates the use of a kunyah, or
teknonym, such as Abt (“Father of”) or Umm (“Mother of”). This means that
although ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib or al-‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib are referred to as ‘Ali
and al-‘Abbas in the narrative of the text, in formal direct speech they are referred
by their kunyahs, Abi |-Hasan (Father of al-Hasan) and Abt 1-Fadl (Father of
al-Fad1), respectively, unless they are being addressed by an intimate friend.
Other common names are theophoric, meaning that they include a name of
God. These names include two parts: the first is ‘abd, meaning “slave/servant,”
and the second the name of God. For example, ‘Abd Allah means “Servant of
God” and ‘Abd al-Rahman “Servant of the Merciful.” Many names also contain
one or more nisbahs, names that end in -7for men and —iyyah for women. Nisbahs
are adjectives that refer to a tribe and place of birth or residence; thus, al-Zuhri
is so called because he comes from the tribe of Zuhrah, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq is

called al-San‘ani because he comes from the city of Sanaa.

XXxii

Note on the Text
The Arabic Edition

‘The Expeditions survives only in ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s redaction and is contained in
his Musannaf. The relevant section of his Musannaf survives only ina single, par-
tial manuscript: Murad Mulla 604, fols. 66r-99r [¢], which dates to 747/1346-47
and is currently held at the Stileymaniye Library in Istanbul, Turkey. Relying on
a sole extant manuscript is, of course, far from ideal. Fortunately, many of the
initial difficulties were mitigated by the previous efforts of two editors: Habib
al-Rahman al-A‘zami, who first edited and compiled the surviving portions of
the ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s Musannaf, a project published by al-Maktab al-Islami in
Beirut in 1972; and an edition of the The Book of Expeditions produced by Suhayl
Zakkar under the title al-Maghdazi al-nabawiyyah and published by Dar al-Fikr
in Beirut in 1981. Both editions were significant achievements in their own right,
in particular Zakkar’s far superior reading of the text, but both also suffer from a
number of shortcomings that I have sought to ameliorate in the present edition.

I have aimed to improve upon the previous editions of the text by judi-
ciously taking into account the different transmissions (Ar. riwdyat) of the
text, no matter how piecemeal. Even here, however, there are hazards. It is
significant that the transmission (riwayah) for the Murad Mulla manuscript of
‘Abd al-Razzaq’s Musannaf in which the sole transcription of Ma‘mar’s Kitab
al-Maghazi survives is from the Yemeni scholar Abi Ya‘qub Ishaq ibn Ibrahim
al-Dabari (d. ca. 285-6/898-9). Ishaq al-Dabari was a native of Sanaa who seems
to have remained in the city throughout his life, establishing a reputation as one
of the most important transmitters of ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s scholarly corpus. Indeed,
of the thirty-three books that survive from the Musannaf as cobbled together by
its modern editor, al-A‘zami, Ishaq al-Dabari’s transmission preserves 90 per-
cent thereof (i.e., twenty-nine of the work’s thirty-three divisions).°” Quotations
and excerpts from other transmissions of Ma‘mar’s Maghdzi via ‘Abd al-Razzaq
survive, but only in piecemeal fashion and as small parts of larger, collected
works, such as the Musnad of ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s student Ahmad ibn Hanbal
(d. 241/855), and not as an integral book. Ishaq al-Dabari, by contrast, transmit-
ted Ma‘mar’s Maghazi from ‘Abd al-Razzaq both as part of the latter’s Musannaf
and as a standalone work.**

There are several indications that Ishaq al-Dabari was primed to be a key
transmitter of the Musannaf from a tender age. His father, Ibrahim ibn ‘Abbad
al-Dabari, was the appointed lector for ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s works (qari’ al-diwan)
late in the scholar’s life, and he supervised his son’s recording of ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s

XXxili

Note on the Text

corpus, which his son received via audition (sama‘).*° The main intent of Ibrahim
al-Dabari in requiring his son Ishaq to hear the corpus of ‘Abd al-Razzaq as early
as ten, or by some accounts even seven years of age was likely to ensure the dura-
bility of his son’s transmission. The most sought-after isndds for a hadith often
had—and continue to have—a property called ‘uluww, a term roughly mean-
ing “height” or “elevation.” There are many reasons an isndd with “height” was
the ideal for scholars of the hadith. One pragmatic reason was because such an
elevated isndd covers the largest amount of time with the fewest names of schol-
ars, and therefore is easier to commit to memory. More important, however,
an elevated isndd contained fewer names between the transmitter (raw) and
the Prophet, and therefore was “nearer” to the Prophet.®° Having heard ‘Abd
al-Razzaq’s corpus at such a young age ensured that the isndads from Ishaq would
have this property of ‘uluww, and his father’s supervision ostensibly assured the
accuracy of his transmission.

Most hadith scholars of the subsequent generation indeed recognized Ishaq
al-Dabari’s transmission as thoroughly reliable; however, it is noteworthy
that earlier scholars, in particular older students of ‘Abd al-Razzaq, did ques-
tion the quality of Ishaq al-Dabari’s transmission. Ahmad ibn Hanbal, for
instance, held that because ‘Abd al-Razzaq had lost his eyesight in 200/815-16,
subsequent transmissions from him were of a shoddier quality, given that ‘Abd
al-Razzaq could no longer personally review and verify the accuracy of his stu-
dents’ written notes.” Ibn Hanbal’s comments may in fact be directed against
Ishaq al-Dabari’s transmission, which he began receiving via audition sometime
between 202/817 and 205/821, after ‘Abd al-Razzagq lost his eyesight. Certainly
the fact that Ibrahim al-Dabari supervised his son’s audition of ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s
corpus mitigates this criticism to some degree; however, at least one scholar
of the following century, Ibn Mufarrij (d. 380/990-91), saw fit to compose an
entire book detailing and correcting the errors made by Ishaq al-Dabari in his
transmission of ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s corpus.™*

The Murad Mulla manuscript upon which I have based my tradition is written
in a fine, readable hand, but the text does suffer from the usual array of scribal
errors and lacunae that one finds in most manuscripts. As a result, the text in
several parts was in need of “reconstruction” inasmuch as I have not regarded
the text of the manuscript itself as so “sacred” as to bind me to reproduce slav-
ishly its errors and lacunae. With the exception of a handful of instances, such
reconstructions are possible due to the proliferation of texts that directly cite
‘Abd al-Razzaq’s transmission (riwayah) of Ma‘mar’s text. The most important of

XXXiv

Note on the Text

these are ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s Tafsir [ él (which survives in two manuscript testimo-
nies predating the Murad Mulla manuscript),® Ahmad ibn Hanbal’s Musnad [ec],
and al-Tabarani’s Mufam al-kabir [4]. Where the readings in these other texts
depart from the manuscript in merely iterative or minor ways, I have favored the
Murad Mulla manuscript rather than the citations found in other works.

Ihave consulted further sources appearing in the critical apparatus to the text
that play a more marginal role in establishing the text. Hence, less ideally, I have
relied occasionally on citations of traditions found in the Kitab al-Maghazi
from lines of transmission that derive from students of Ma‘mar other than ‘Abd
al-Razzaq to reconstruct obscure passages. As a means of last resort, I have occa-
sionally drawn upon alternative transmissions of al-Zuhri’s traditions. Difficult
passages often had no clear parallel or citation in other sources, and in such cases
I leaned upon my own jjtihdd and corrected the text of the manuscript to the
best of my ability to guess the original reading in the hope that, indeed, kull
mujtahid musib, “every qualified scholar hits the mark.” Whether or not I have
succeeded, I leave to my colleagues’ judgment. The intrepid Arabist concerned
with such minutiae will find the indications thereof marked in the critical appa-
ratus to the text.

Given the LAL’s focus on readability, I have endeavored to make my edito-
rial decisions as transparent as possible while simultaneously unobtrusive to the
casual reader. I have also edited my Arabic text with the underlying assumption
that it will be read as a bilingual text alongside the English translation. Thus,
cosmetic textual features such as section numbering, paragraphing, font size,
standardized orthography, and punctuation have been introduced to facilitate
easy cross-referencing between the Arabic edition and English translation.

The following sigla designate the sources referred to throughout the tex-
tual apparatus (full bibliographic references to the editions used appear in the
bibliography):

[4] al-Bukhari, al-Sahih
4] al-Bayhaqi, Dala@il al-nubuwwah
[4] al-Bayhaqi, al-Sunan al-kubra
[y] al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashraf
[45] al-Tabari, al-Tarikh
[2] ‘Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani, al-Tafsir
Ic] Ahmad ibn Hanbal, al-Musnad
{] al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makkah

Note on the Text

al-Tabarani, al-Muam al-kabir

Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Durar fiikhtisar al-maghazi wa-l-siyar or al-Tamhid
li-ma ft l-Muwatta min al-ma‘Gni wa'l-asanid

Hibat Allah al-Lalak@i, Sharh usul i‘tiqad ahl al-sunnah wa'l-jama‘ah
MS Murad Mulla 604

Abt Nu‘aym al-Isfahani, Dal@il al-nubuwwah

XXXVi

Timeline

Dates and events for the life of Muhammad are fraught with difficulties; there-

fore, dates are here given according to al-Zuhri’s calculations.

After 558 (?)

608 (?)
622, Sept.
624, Mar.

624, Sept.-Oct.

625, Mar.—Apr.
627, Feb.—Mar.
628, Feb.—Mar.
630, 3 Jan.

632, 27 May
644, Nov.

656, June
656-61

656, Nov.—Dec.

657, July
661, Jan.
661-750
680-92

685-705
723-43
742
744-50

754-75
768
770
827

The “Elephant Troop” and Abrahah, king of Himyar, march
against Mecca to destroy the Kaaba

Muhammad receives his first revelation atop Mount Hira
Muhammad’s Hijrah from Mecca to Medina

Battle of Badr

Expulsion of the Jewish clan al-Nadir from Medina

Battle of Uhud

Battle of the United Clans/the Trench

Treaty of Hudaybiyah

Muhammad’s Conquest of Mecca

Muhammad’s Death

Assassination of the second caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab
Assassination of the third caliph ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan

The Great Civil War (al-fitnah al-kubra)

The Battle of the Camel between ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and
‘Aishah bint Abi Bakr, al-Zubayr ibn al-“Awwam, and Talhah
ibn ‘Ubayd Allah

The Battle of Siffin between ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan
Assassination of ‘Ali

The Umayyad Caliphate

Second Civil War—the Marwanid Umayyads emerge victori-
ous over their Zubyarid rivals

Caliphate of ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan

Caliphate of Hisham ibn ‘Abd al-Malik

Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri dies

Third Civil War ensues after the assassination of al-Walid II,
leading to the rise of Abbasid dynasty of caliphs

Caliphate of Abi Ja‘far al-Mansur

Muhammad ibn Ishaq dies

Ma‘mar ibn Rashid dies

‘Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani dies

XXXxVvil

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Notes to the Frontmatter

Foreword

Muhammad Ibn-Ishaq, ‘Abd-al-Malik Ibn-Hisham, and Alfred Guillaume. The Life of
Muhammad: A Translation of [Ibn] Ishaq’s Sirat rasil Allah (London: Oxford University
Press, 1955).

Hajji Khalifah. Kashf al-gunin ‘an asami al-kutub wal-funin, vol. 2. (Beirut: Dar al-‘Ilm,
1994), 604.

On ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr, see Andreas Gorke and Gregor Schoeler, Die altesten Berichte

tiber das Leben Muhammads (Princeton: Darwin Press, 2008).

Acknowledgements

Muhammad, 91.

Introduction

The precise title of Ibn Ishaq’s work is not certain, though the most likely candidate is
Kitab al-Maghazi. Ibn Hisham’s redaction is usually referred to as al-Sirah al-nabawiyyah
(Eng. The Prophetic Life-Story), but this title has little to do with Ibn Ishaq’s original work.
See Horovitz, Earliest Biographies, 80 and n. 93 thereto and Schoeler, Biography, 28-29.
This is not to say, however, that the earliest testimonies are bereft of historical insight; see
Hoyland, “The Earliest Christian Writings on Muhammad,” and Anthony, “Muhammad,
the Keys to Paradise, and the Doctrina Iacobi.”

In the West, scholarship on the historical Muhammad is inevitably considerably
indebted to the tradition of historical Jesus scholarship, a tradition that is now over two
centuries old. However, it must be said that historians of early Islam are rarely fluent
in the most up-to-date scholarship on the historical Jesus. In the massive literature on
the challenges and aims of writing the biography of the historical Jesus, E. P. Sanders’
The Historical Figure of Jesus remains a classic.

Hoyland, “Writing the Biography of the Prophet Muhammad.”

See Chabbi, “La biographie impossible de Mahomet.” In the most recent decade anglo-
phone scholarship has all but abandoned writing traditional, historical biographies in
favor of monographs proposing radical new views of Islamic origins. The two most note-

worthy monographs on this score are Shoemaker, The Death of a Prophet, and Powers,

Notes to the Frontmatter

Muhammad Is Not the Father of Any of Your Men. Germanophone and francophone schol-
ars, on the other hand, have been considerably more active in writing more traditional,
historical biographies during the last decade; e.g., see Tilman Nagel’s massive Moham-
med: Leben und Legende and Allahs Liebling, and Hichem Djait’s three-volume history La
vie de Muhammad (originally written in Arabic). Although the full impact of the scholarly
reception of Djait’s work has yet to be seen, a positive evaluation of Djait’s project can be
found in Nicolai Sinai, “Hisham Djait.” By contrast, the response to Nagel’s biography
has been rather tepid; e.g., see Hagan, “The Imagined and Historical Muhammad,” and
Schoeler’s Biography, 11-13 and “Grundsatzliches zu Tilman Nagels Monographie.”
Donner, Narratives of Islamic Origins, 35-63; Neuwirth, Der Koran als Text der Spdtan-
tike, 235-75; Hamdan, “The Second Masahif Project”; Comerro, La constitution du
mushaf de ‘Uthman; Sadeghi and Goudarzi, “San‘@ 1 and the Origins of the Qur’an.”

An excellent and fluent introduction to hadith as well as the formation of its canon can
be found in Brown, Hadith; however, Brown’s treatment of the earliest phases of hadith
transmission and collection is a tad tendentious. For an important corrective, see Rein-
hart, “Juynbolliana,” 436 ff.

Cf. Gérke, “The Relationship between Maghazi and Hadith.”

The reader may find it surprising that the word jihad (Ar. al-jihdd) appears only once in
the text; see 13.2.

Cf. the list of maghazi titles gathered in Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums,
1:887b-888a.

Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 59:393.

These works include two collections of prophetic traditions, al-Jami‘ and Sahifat
Hammam ibn Munabbih, and ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s exegesis of the Qur’an, al-Tafsir; see EB,
“Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani” (H. Motzki).

Boekhoff-van der Voort (“The Kitab al-maghazi,’ 29-30) recently tabulated the percent-
age of the materials ‘Abd al-Razzaq derived solely from Ma‘mar in the Kitab al-Maghazi
as 93.9 percent; however, her tabulation is somewhat misleading, as she counts ‘Abd
al-Razzaq’s annotations and glosses of Ma‘mar’s traditions, which rarely go beyond a
sentence or two, as equal to Ma‘mar’s fully realized narrations, which stretch on for
pages. In fact, all of the narratives derive from Ma‘mar except for a short narrative about
Abt Bakr (24.3) and two longish narrations that ‘Abd al-Razzaq adds to the end of
Ma‘mar’s account of the marriage of Fatimah (31.2-31.3).

Donner, Narratives, 255-70; Robinson, Islamic Historiography, 15-17, 92-93.

Brown, Hadith, 4 f.

Donner, Narratives, 280 ff.

xli

27
28
29

31
32
33

34
35

Notes to the Frontmatter

See al-Zubayr ibn Bakkar, Muwaffaqayyat, 332-35.

Cf. Horovitz, Earliest Biographies, 6-11 and esp. n. 30 thereto. The account of Sulayman
ibn ‘Abd al-Malik is from al-Zubayr ibn Bakkar, Muwaffaqayyat, 332-35. A shorter ver-
sion appears in Baladhuri, Ansab, 4/2: 490. The dating of these events by al-Zubayr ibn
Bakkar may be off by a year or so; see EJ3, “Aban b. “Uthman” (Khalil Athamina).
Efforts to locate traces of his work have produced little. His material is often confused
with that of another author of a Kitab al-Maghdzi, the early Shi‘ite scholar Aban ibn
“Uthman al-Ahmar al-Bajali (d. ca. 200/816), whose work is also lost. Portions of the lat-
ter’s work seem to be preserved by Amin al-Din al-Tabrisi (d. 5 48/1154) in the portion of
his ‘lam al-wara dedicated to the biography of Muhammad. See Modarressi, Tradition
and Survival, 130 and Jarrar, “Early Shi‘l Sources.”

Gorke and Schoeler, Die dlteste Berichte, 258 ff., 289; cf. an English summary in Gorke,
“Prospects and Limits,” 145 f.

Baladhuri, Ansab, 4(2):490; Schoeler posits that ‘Abd al-Malik later had a change of
heart, but does not speculate why. See Schoeler, Biography, 31.

Shoemaker (“In Search of ‘Urwa’s Sira”) provides the most thorough critique of the
recent attempts to rediscover “Urwah’s corpus in later sources; now, cf. the riposte by
Gorke, Schoeler, and Motzki, “First Century Sources.”

Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 59:393.

Ibn Sa‘d, Tabagat, 2(2):135, “min abna@ al-muhdajirin wa'l-ansar,”

Ibn Abi Khaythamah, Tarikh, 2:127-28; Fasawi, Ma‘rifah, 1:479.

Cited in Lecker, “Biographical Notes,” 34. As Lecker demonstrates (ibid., 37-40),
al-Zuhri served as a judge (qadi) for at least three caliphs, administered the collection of
taxes, and was known, moreover, for wearing the clothing of the high-ranking Umayyad
soldiery (al-jund).

Fasawi, Ma‘rifah, 1:636; cf. Lecker, “Biographical Notes,” 32-33 and n. 46 thereto.
Guidetti, “Contiguity between Churches and Mosques,” 20 ff.

Lecker, “Biographical Notes,” 25-28; cf. Cook, “The Opponents of the Writing of Tradi-
tion,” 459-62 and Schoeler, Oral and Written, 140-41 on the controversy.

Abi Nu‘aym, Hilyah, 3:363; Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 59:399-400.

Ibn Abi Khaythamah, Tarikh, 1:271, 325-26: Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 59:412. On collation
in the transmission of knowledge, see Déroche, Qur’ans of the Umayyads, 70; Gacek,
Arabic Manuscripts, 65 ff.; al-Qadi, “How ‘Sacred’ Is the Text of an Arabic Medieval
Manuscript,” 28 f.; and Mashtkhi, Anmat al-tawthiq, 47.

Ibn Sa‘d, Tabagat, 2(2):136; Fasawi, Ma‘rifah, 1:479, 637-38; Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq,

59:400; cf. the discussion in Cook, “The Opponents of the Writing of Tradition,”

xiii

48
49

Notes to the Frontmatter

459-60. The fate of these writings is unknown, but it is significant that they survived
al-Zuhri’s death despite al-Walid II’s antipathy toward al-Zuhri. The caliph allegedly
declared that he would have killed the scholar had he survived to see his caliphate. See
Horovitz, Earliest Biographies, 58-59. The dislike was apparently mutual. According to
one account, al-Zuhri pleaded with Zayd ibn ‘Ali to delay his revolt against Hisham so
that he might openly offer Zayd his support once al-Walid II had come to power. Zayd,
of course, did not follow al-Zuhri’s council and was crucified as a rebel by Hisham in
122/740. See Baladhuri, Ansab, 2:621 and Anthony, Crucifixion, 46 ff.

Cf. Robinson, “The Violence of the Abbasid Revolution.”

Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 59:408.

Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 36:167, 173 f.; cf. Horovitz, Earliest Biographies, 73.

This applies not only to the Kitab al-Maghdazi but also to Ma‘mar’s al-Jami‘ and, to a
lesser extent ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s Tafsir, or Qur’an commentary, the bulk of which derives
from Ma‘mar.

See Cook, “The Opponents of the Writing of Tradition”; Kister, “Notes on the Trans-
mission of Hadith”; and Schoeler, Oral and Written, 111-41 et passim on this issue.

Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 10:220. Indeed, Muhammad ibn Ishaq, Ma‘mar’s contemporary,
courted controversy by merely integrating the books of others into his Kitab al-Maghazi
rather than only including materials from scholars under whom he directly studied. See
Schoeler, Biography, 26.

Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 59:417, ma ra’‘ayna li-Ma‘mar kitab ghayr hadhihi |-tiwal fa-innahu
yakhrujuha bi-la shakk.

Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 59:395, 409.

Ibn Abi Khaythamah, Tarikh, 1:324; cf. Cook, “The Opponents of the Writing of Tra-
dition,” 469-70 for further material on Ma‘mar’s ambivalent attitude toward written
materials.

Ginther, “New Results”; cf. the systematic attempt of A. Elad to apply Giinther’s con-
cept of “literary composition” to early Islamic historiography in Syria in his article “The
Beginning of Historical Writing,” 121 ff.

Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 36:178; according to A. Dietrich, the plant was reputed to confer
“a lucid intellect.” See El2, “Haliladj.”

Ibn Abi Khaythamah, Tarikh, 1:330.

The first of these is a papyrus fragment held at the Oriental Institute of the University
of Chicago, erroneously attributed to Ma‘mar ibn Rashid by Nabia Abbott (Studies in
Arabic Literary Papyri, 1:65-79), and subsequently correctly identified by M.J. Kister
as from the work of the Egyptian scholar and judge (gadi) Ibn Lahi‘ah (d. 175/790). See

xliii

52
$3

Notes to the Frontmatter

Kister, “Notes on the Papyrus Text.” A second papyrus, likely dating to the early third/
ninth century, is attributed to Wahb ibn Munabbih (d. ca. 101-02/719-20); on which,
see Khoury, Wahb b. Munabbih.

Schoeler, Biography, 32-34.

On Ibn Ishaq and the Abbasids, see Horovitz, Earliest Biographies, 79-80; Sellheim,
“Prophet, Chalif und Geschichte.”

Sellheim, “Prophet, Chalif und Geschichte,” 40 f.; Robinson, Islamic Historiography, 135.
Horovitz, Earliest Biographies, 80-89. Indeed, Nabia Abbot identified a papyrus frag-
ment from Ibn Ishaq’s Tarikh al-khulafa’. See Abbott, Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri,
1:80-99. Her comments on the text ought to be supplemented by those of Kister, “Notes
on an Account of the Shura.”

For traditions ascribed to al-Zuhri on the ‘Aqabah meetings, see Bayhaqi, Dald’il, 2:421-
23, 454; none of these are Ma‘mar traditions, but rather come from Masa ibn “Ugbah. For
traditions from Ma‘mar on the topic, which however are not related on the authority of
al-Zuhri, see ‘Abd al-Razzaq, Tafsir, 1:129 (ad Q Nisa 4:103); idem, Musannaf, 6: 4, 6-7.
For other narrations attributed to al-Zuhri more generally but not related by Ma‘mar, see
‘Awwaji, Marwiyat al-Zuhri. Most events listed by ‘Awwaji that Ma‘mar does not relate in
a narration from al-Zuhri notably derive either from Ibn Ishaq or Musa ibn “Uqbah.
Maher Jarrar (Die Prophetenbiographie, 29) believed ‘Abd al-Razzaq to have included
only a portion of Ma‘mar’s maghdazi corpus from Zuhri, but the evidence he adduces
for this assertion is wanting. Of the examples he cites (ibid., 54 n. 158), at least two of
them actually do appear in the Kitab al-Maghdazi, despite his claims to the contrary (Abi
Nu‘aym, Dald@ il, 2:504-5 is 5.1 of this volume; Dhahabi, Tarikh, 6:20-21 is 1.10); and two
other traditions appear in ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s Tafsir (Abi Nu‘aym, Dald’il, 1:224 = ‘Abd
al-Razzaq, Tafsir, 1:169; Dhahabi, Tarikh, 1:610 = ‘Abd al-Razzaq Tafsir, 1:288-89). The
other examples he cites are minor, short traditions that are certainly related to “maghdazi”
concerns, but are not centerpieces of the maghazi tradition; see Abu Nu‘aym, Dala’il,
1:272 (how the Hashim clan came to reside in the piedmont of Abu Talib); Dhahabi,
Tarikh, 1:575 (Gabriel announces ‘Umar’s conversion), 594 (on Medina’s female diviner
Fatimah), 642 (on the prayers as revealed in Mecca). More substantial omissions from
Ma‘mar ibn Rashid’s maghazi materials, especially traditions on the reigns of the first
four caliphs, can be found throughout Ansab al-ashraf of al-Baladhuri (d. 279/892). The
scholar al-Waqidi and his scribe Ibn Sa‘d are a potential source, too, for further maghazi
traditions from Ma‘mar; however, Waqidi is known to play fast and loose with his source
material, making the prospect of recovering Ma‘mar’s authentic material from him slim.

Schoeler, Biography, 27.

xliv

57
58
59
60

61
62

63
64

65
66

Notes to the Frontmatter

Note on the Text

Motzki, “The Author and His Work,” 181.

Ibn Khayr, Fahrasah, 1:153, 289-90; cf. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 1:296 and 2:94.

Ibn Khayr, Fahrasah, 1:155.

The hadith scholar Abt Bakr Ibn Abi Shaybah (d. 235/849) exhorted his fellow scholars
that “seeking elevated isndds is part of religion (talab al-isnad al-‘ali min al-din)”; cited
in Brown, Hadith, 47 ff.

Dhahabi, Tarikh, 6:714-15; Ibn Khayr, Fahrasah, 1:154 f.

Abu Zur‘ah, Tarikh, 1:457; Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashq, 36:174. ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s fondess for Ibn
Hanbal as one of his star students was renowned. See Ibn al-Jawzi, Virtues of the Imam
Ahmad ibn Hanbal, 1: 46-7, 280-81, 424-7.

Dhahabi, Tarikh, 6:714; cf. Ibn Hajar, Lisan, 2:36 f.

Ibn Mufarrij’s work is no longer extant, to my knowledge, but is said to have been titled
Kitab Islah al-hurif allati kana Ishaq ibn Ibrahim al-Dabari yusahhifuha fi Musannaf ‘Abd
al-Razzaq; see Ibn Khayr, Fahrasah, 1:155.

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 1:99.

Cf. al-Qadi, “How ‘Sacred’ Is the Text of an Arabic Medieval Manuscript?”

xlv

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said:

‘The first thing mentioned regarding ‘Abd al-Muttalib, the grandfather of the
Messenger of God, is that when the Quraysh left Mecca’s Sacred Precincts’ flee-
ing the Elephant Troop” he was still a young man, a youth. He said, “By God,
I will not forsake the Sacred Precincts of God to seek glory elsewhere!” He sat
down next to the Sacred House,’ even though the Quraysh had abandoned it.
Then he declaimed:

O Lord, a man protects his mount, so protect your mounts.
Do not allow their cross* and stratagem to defeat your stratagem

tomorrow.

He remained steadfast in his place until God destroyed the war elephant and
its troop. The Quraysh then returned, and ‘Abd al-Muttalib became greatly
esteemed among them for his perseverance and reverence for the holy things
of God.

In the midst of these events, the eldest of his sons was born to him and
came of age. His name was al-Harith ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib. By and by, ‘Abd
al-Muttalib received a visitation in his sleep,° a voice that said to him, “Dig out

”© He awoke

Zamzam and that which was cached by the most honored shaykh.
and prayed, “O Lord, make this clearer to me!” Then he was granted another
vision in his sleep: “Dig Zamzam, hidden between the viscera and blood,’
where the crow searches, in the anthill, facing the red-stained altars.”®

‘Abd al-Muttalib got up and strode over to the Sacred Mosque, where he

sat down inside looking for the sacred signs that were hidden from him. At the

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

Hazwarah market a cow had been slaughtered, but it broke free with its last
gasps and fled from its butcher until death overtook it inside the Mosque
where Zamzam lay. The cow was butchered at that spot and its meat carried
away. A crow then approached, swooping down to land in the cow’s inedible
remains, and began searching in the anthill.’

‘Abd al-Muttalib stood and began digging at that very spot. The Quraysh
came to him and asked, “What are you doing? We have never taken you for
an ignorant man. Why are you digging in our mosque?”” ‘Abd al-Muttalib
replied, “I am digging this well, and I will defy anyone who prevents me from
doing so!” Straightaway he began digging, he and his son al-Harith. In those
days, he had no other son besides him. People from the Quraysh would watch
them both warily, often even intervening and fighting them. Others from the
Quraysh forbade them from doing so because of what they knew of the pres-
tige of ‘Abd al-Muttalib’s lineage, his honesty, and his commitment to his reli-
gion in those days. Thus it was that, although it was possible for him to dig,
he was also subjected to harm and abuse; and so he swore an oath: if ten sons
were to be granted to him, he would sacrifice one of them. Continuing to dig,
he eventually discovered swords that had been buried in Zamzam." When the
Quraysh saw that he had unearthed the swords, they said, “Give us a share of
what you have found.” “No!” ‘Abd al-Muttalib replied. “These swords belong
to God’s House.”

He dug still more until water sprang forth. Then he dug out the bottom
and dredged the well so that it would not run dry. Next he built a basin over
the well. Straightaway he and his son began to draw out water and to fill that
basin so that pilgrims might drink from it, but some of the Quraysh, full of
resentment, would break the basin at night. ‘Abd al-Muttalib would repair it
when he awoke, but after they had ruined it several times, ‘Abd al-Muttalib
called out to his Lord. Again he was granted a vision in his sleep, and a voice
instructed him, “Cry out: ‘By God, I will not permit the well to be used by one
undertaking ablutions. Rather, it is free to all and a source of refreshment for
those seeking to quench their thirst’ Then you will have fulfilled your obli-
gations toward them.””” ‘Abd al-Muttalib went before the Quraysh while they
were disconcerted in the mosque and proclaimed the vision shown to him and
then departed. Thereafter, not one of the Quraysh would ruin his basin with-
out being afflicted by some bodily illness, and eventually they left him to tend

to his basin and provide water for the pilgrims.

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

After this, ‘Abd al-Muttalib married several women, and ten sons were born
to him, a full troop. “O Lord,” he said, “I gave You my oath that I would sacri-
fice one of them. I shall cast lots for them,” so choose in this way whomever
You will.” He cast lots between them, and the lot fell upon ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd
al-Muttalib, who was the most beloved of all his children, so he said, “O Lord,
which is more desirous to You, he or a hundred camels?” He cast lots between
his son and a hundred camels, and the lot fell upon the hundred camels. Thus,
‘Abd al-Muttalib sacrificed the camels in ‘Abd Allah’s stead."*

Now ‘Abd Allah was the finest-looking man ever seen among the Quraysh,
and one day when he passed by some Qurashi women gathered together, one
of the women said, “O ladies of Quraysh! Which of you shall be wedded to
this young man?”—and the light between his eyes shimmered, for light shone
from between them.’* Thus it was that Aminah bint Wahb ibn ‘Abd Manaf ibn
Zuhrah was wedded to him. He consummated the union and took her maiden-
head, whereupon she became pregnant with the Messenger of God.

Later ‘Abd al-Muttalib sent ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib to transport
dates for him from Yathrib. ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib passed away while
in Yathrib, and Aminah gave birth to the Messenger of God. He was placed
in the custody of ‘Abd al-Muttalib and nursed by a woman from the Sa‘d ibn
Bakr clan.

On one occasion, his milch-mother’® brought him to the market of ‘Ukaz.
One of the diviners’” saw him and said, “O people of ‘Ukaz!—kill this boy!
For he is destined to rule over us!” His milch-mother became frightened for
him, but God delivered him.

The Prophet spent his boyhood in her house,'* and when he began to walk,
his milch-sister was charged with looking after him. Once his milch-sister
came and cried, “O mother! I just now saw a band of men take my brother and
split open his abdomen!””’ Terrified, his milch-mother rose up and rushed to
him; however, he merely sat there, white with fright, and she saw no one else
with him.

She then set out with him so that she could present him to his mother. His
milch-mother said to her, “Take your son from me, for I am afraid for his sake.”
“No, by God,” said his mother, “there is no reason to be afraid for my son. While
he was in my womb, I saw a vision: a light shone forth from me that illuminated
the palaces of Syria.”° I gave birth to him, and right after he was born, he pros-
trated himself by leaning on his hands and lifting his head toward the heavens.”

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

His mother and grandfather ‘Abd al-Muttalib had him weaned from his
milch-mother, and soon thereafter his mother passed away. The Prophet
thus became an orphan in the custody of his grandfather. While he was still a
boy, he would march up to his grandfather’s cushion and sit on it, pushing his
grandfather off. His grandfather had grown quite old with age, and the slave
girl who looked after ‘Abd al-Muttalib would say, “Get down from your grand-
father’s cushion!” But ‘Abd al-Muttalib would reply, “Leave my boy be, for it
suits the lad.”

While the Messenger of God was still a boy, his grandfather also passed
away, and his uncle Abu Talib, the full brother of ‘Abd Allah, became his
guardian. When the Prophet attained puberty, Abi Talib traveled with him to
Syria to trade, but when they arrived in the oasis of Taym@ a rabbi from the
Jews of Tayma saw him. The rabbi said to Abt Talib, “This young man isn’t
your son, is he?”

“He’s my brother’s son,” Abi Talib replied.

“Do you care for the boy?” asked the rabbi.

“Yes,” he said.

“By God,” said the rabbi, “if you bring him to Syria, you will never again
return him to your people. They will certainly kill him—for this young man is
their enemy!”™

Abi Talib returned, therefore, from Tayma@ to Mecca.

When God’s Messenger reached puberty, a woman accidentally set fire
to the Kaaba when sparks from the fire she had kindled flew up and onto its
covering. The fire burned the Kaaba, and its structure became unstable. The
Quraysh deliberated among themselves over whether it should be demolished,
but they were too terrified to go through with it. Al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah said
to them, “What do you want to accomplish by demolishing it? To repair it or
to ruin it?”

“Only to repair it,” they said.

“God will surely not cause any man to perish who seeks to repair it,”
al-Walid said.

Then they asked, “But who will climb it and tear it down?”

“T will be the one to climb,” answered al-Walid.

Al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah climbed to the top of the Sacred House, taking
an ax with him, and declared, “O Lord, we desire nothing but to undertake a
repair.” Then he began to tear down the Kaaba. When the Quraysh saw that

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

he had demolished some of it and that the chastisement they feared had not
come, they began to work alongside him to demolish it. When they had rebuilt
it and reached as far as the cornerstone,” the Quraysh quarreled over which
tribe would put it back in place, and a fight nearly broke out between them.
Then someone said, “Come now, let us choose the first one we see coming
down this road,” and they agreed upon that. It was the Messenger of God who
approached them—he was a boy at the time, wearing a striped sash—so they
appointed him for the task. They ordered the cornerstone to be placed inside
a cloth. After that, he called for the head of each tribe, and gave each an edge
of the cloth. Then he ascended, and they raised the cornerstone aloft for him.
Thus it was the Messenger of God who put the cornerstone in place.

As the years passed, he became all the more admired among them, and
eventually they named him “the Trustworthy” (al-amin) before the revelation
descended upon him. So it came to be that none would butcher a camel for sale
without urging him to invoke God’s blessing over it on their behalf.

Once he had grown to his full height and reached manhood—though with-
out attaining any great wealth—Khadijah bint Khuwaylid hired him, sending
him to Hubashah, a market in Tihamah. She also hired alongside him another
man from the Quraysh. Speaking of Khadijah, the Messenger of God remarked,
“Of all the women who hired servants, I never saw one kinder than Khadijah.
We would always return, my companion and I, and find at her home a gift of
food she had stored away for us.”

The Prophet continued, “When we returned from the Hubashah market,
I said to my companion, ‘Let’s leave, and we'll have a chat at Khadijah’s house.’
So we went there, and while we were in her home, a muntashiyah—one of
the slave-born women of the Quraysh—came into the room where we were.
A muntashiyah is a buxom young woman who desires men. She said, ‘Is this
Muhammad? By Him with Whom pacts are made, has he come as a suitor?’
And I said, ‘Not at all!’ Once my companion and I had left, he said, ‘Are you too
shy to accept Khadijah’s proposal? By God, there’s not a single Qurashi woman
would not consider you her equal!”

The Prophet continued, “We returned to her another time, and that buxom
girl returned to us and asked, ‘Is this Muhammad? By Him with Whom pacts
are made, has he come as a suitor?’ “Yes, I replied bashfully.”

The Prophet said, “Khadijah would never act contrary to either our wishes
or her sister’s,”* and her sister had gone off to see her father, Khuwaylid

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

ibn Asad, who was drunk. She said, ‘This is your nephew, Muhammad ibn
‘Abd Allah, who wishes to become betrothed to Khadijah, and Khadijah has

209

consented.” Khuwaylid invited the Messenger of God over and asked him
about the marriage arrangement. Khuwaylid then betrothed Khadijah to him
and gave her to him in marriage. Khadijah was covered in perfume, and the
Messenger of God was dressed in a wedding garment. Then the Messenger of
God consummated the marriage with Khadijah.

When her father awoke the next morning, the old man had recovered from
his drunkenness and said, “What is this perfume? And this wedding garment?”
Khadijah’s sister replied, “This is the wedding garment in which your nephew
Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah has clothed you! You married him to Khadijah,
and he’s consummated the marriage!” The old man at first denied this but then
resigned himself to what had transpired and became ashamed. At that moment

some of the rajaz poets” of Quraysh began to recite:

Do not abstain, O Khadijah, from Muhammad,
Whose skin glimmers like the light of Pherkad.”°

The Messenger of God remained with Khadijah, and eventually she bore him
several daughters. The two of them also had al-Qasim. Some scholars claim
that she bore him another young boy named al-Tahir. Another scholar said,
“We do not know of her giving birth to any boy except al-Qasim, and she also
bore him his four daughters: Zaynab, Fatimah, Ruqayyah, and Umm Kulthim.”
After she had born him a number of daughters, the Messenger of God also

began to practice acts of religious devotion,” and he became fond of seclusion.

‘Abd al-Razzaq said: Ma‘mar related to us and said: al-Zuhri related to us and said: ‘Urwah
related to me that ‘A’ishah said:

‘The first revelation experienced by the Messenger of God came to him in the
form of the “true vision.””* Not a vision came that did not resemble the break-
ing of dawn. Afterward, he became fond of seclusion and would go to Mount
Hira, where he practiced acts of religious devotion—meaning that he wor-
shipped God for nights on end. He would provision himself for that and then
return again and again to Khadijah to reprovision himself for further journeys.

When the Truth came to him, he was in a cave on Mount Hira’, and the
angel came to him there. The angel said to him, “Read!” And again the angel
commanded the Messenger of God, “Read!” The Messenger of God said,

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aah Ee ee yee AabLY ty

The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

“T said, ‘But I cannot read!’ So he took hold of me and crushed me until I
could no longer bear it. Then he released me and said, ‘Read!’ ‘I cannot read!’
I said. He took me and crushed me a third time, until I could no longer bear it.

He again released me and said:

«Read in the name of your Lord who created: He created man
from a clinging form. Read! Your Lord is the Most Bountiful One
who taught by means of the pen, who taught man what he did not

know.»”??

Muhammad returned with these words,*° his shoulders trembling, and
eventually he reached Khadijah. He said, “Cover me! Cover me!”*" They cov-
ered him in a cloth until the terror had left him. He said to Khadijah, “What’s
wrong with me?” And he related to her what had transpired. “Are you fearful
for my sake?” he said. “Not at all!” Khadijah said. “By God, God will never
disgrace you, for you are a man who honors the bonds of kinship and speaks
only the truth, who acts hospitably toward guests and aids his kinsmen in their
duress.”*”

Khadijah then set off with the Prophet to bring him to Waraqah ibn Nawfal
ibn Rashid ibn ‘Abd al-“Uzza ibn Qusayy, Khadijah’s cousin, the son of her
father’s brother. He had converted to Christianity during the Age of Ignorance
prior to Islam. He was able to write the Arabic script and had written as much
of the Gospels in Arabic as God had willed.** At the time, he was quite an old
shaykh and had gone blind.

Khadijah said to him, “O cousin! Listen to your nephew!”

Waraqah said, “My nephew? What did you see?” When the Messenger of
God explained what he had seen, Waraqah declared, “This is the Nomos** that
God sent down to Moses! If only I could be a strong youth when your people
exile you!”

The Messenger of God said, “Will they really exile me?”

Waraqah replied, “Yes, for oppression and persecution await all to whom
God has given what He has given you. If I live to see your time come, I will
surely aid you to become victorious.”

It was not long before Waraqah died.

‘The revelation ceased for a time so that the Messenger of God became—
as we have been informed—profoundly saddened. One could see that the deep-

est sadness had fallen upon him. Because of this, he went out in the morning

yo & 15

1.2.2

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

to the heights of the mountains to cast himself from their peaks several times,
but whenever he climbed to the summit of a mountain, Gabriel would appear
to him and say, “O Muhammad! O True Messenger of God!” And so his anxiety
would subside, and his soul become steadfast. He returned home, and when
the lapse in revelation continued for a long time, he would return to doing
as he had done before. Whenever he would climb to a mountain’s summit,

Gabriel would appear to him again and speak to him as he had before.**

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: Aba Salamah ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman related to me on the authority
of Jabir ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Ansari, who said:

I heard the Messenger of God speaking about the lapse in revelation. He
said, “While I was walking about, I heard a voice from heaven, so I lifted my
head. And lo, before me was the one who had come to me at Mount Hira,
seated on a throne suspended between heaven and earth. I became absolutely
terrified because of him. Later I returned and said, ‘Cover me! Cover me!’ and

“Wrap me up!’ Then God most high revealed:

«O you wrapped in his cloak, arise and give warning! Proclaim the

greatness of your Lord; cleanse yourself; keep away from filth.»”

This was before the prayers had been made obligatory. “Filth” means idols.*°

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said:

‘Urwa related to me that, when Khadijah passed away, the Messenger of
God said, “I received a vision of a house in Paradise for Khadijah made of reeds,
in which there is neither clamor nor toil. It is fashioned from reeds of pearl.”*”

When the Messenger of God was asked about Waraqah ibn Nawfal—as was
reported to us—he said, “I dreamt of Waraqah and he was wearing a white
cloak. I am inclined to think that, were he among the denizens of hellfire,
I would not have seen him in white.”

Then the Messenger of God began to call the people to Islam secretly and
publicly, and for the people to abandon** their idols.

\Vv & 17

1.3

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

Ma‘mar said: Qatadah ibn Di‘amah related to us on the authority of al-Hasan al-Basri and
others, saying:
The first to believe in Muhammad was ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, who was fifteen or

sixteen years old at the time.

Ma‘mar said: ‘Uthman al-Jazari related to me on the authority of Miqsam, citing Ibn ‘Abbas,
who said:

‘Ali was the first to become Muslim.

Ma‘mar said: I asked al-Zuhri and he said:
We do not know of anyone who became Muslim before Zayd ibn Harithah.

Ma‘mar continued:

Those whom God willed to do so answered the Prophet’s call—namely,
the young and the destitute—and eventually the number who believed in him
increased greatly, even though the infidel Quraysh rejected what the Prophet
preached. They would point to him whenever he passed by them in their
assemblies and say, “This boy from the sons of ‘Abd al-Muttalib hears a voice,

as they allege, from heaven!”*?

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said:

From the notables of the Prophet’s tribe, only two men followed him: Abu
Bakr and ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab. Now ‘Umar used to be a strident opponent
of the Messenger of God and the Believers, so the Prophet prayed, “O Lord,
support your religion with Ibn al-Khattab!”

The beginning of ‘Umar’s conversion to Islam—after many had already
become Muslims before him—was as follows: ‘Umar was informed that his
sister, Umm Jamil bint al-Khattab, had become a Muslim and that she pos-
sessed a shoulder blade on which she had written verses from the Qur’an and
from which she read aloud in secret. ‘Umar was also told that she no longer ate
of the carrion from which he ate.*° Thus, he went to her and asked, “What is
this shoulder blade that I hear you have in your possession? Are you reading
from it the things about which Ibn Abi Kabshah speaks?”—by whom he meant
the Messenger of God.” “I don’t have a shoulder blade,” she replied. So ‘Umar

‘A & 19

1.5

1.6

1.7

1.8

1.9
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1.9.2

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

beat her—or, al-Zuhri said, he hit her—and then he began searching for the
shoulder blade. When he found the shoulder blade, he struck her with it, split-
ting her skull open in two places, and said, “And that’s for what I have been
hearing about you refusing to eat the same food as me!”

After this ‘Umar left, carrying the shoulder blade with him, so that he might
summon a reader to read it to him, for ‘Umar was illiterate. When the words
were read to him, his heart quickened, and hearing the Qur'an, Islam settled
in his heart. When evening came, he went to see the Messenger of God, who
was praying and reciting the Qur’an in public. ‘Umar heard the Messenger of
God recite aloud:

«You never recited any Scripture before We revealed this one to
you; you never wrote one down with your hand. If you had done
so, those who follow falsehood might have cause to doubt. But
no, this Qur’an is a revelation that is clear to the hearts of those
endowed with knowledge. No one refuses to acknowledge Our

revelations but the evildoers. »*”
He also heard him recite:

«Those who disbelieve say, “You have not been called as a Mes-
senger.” Say, “God is a sufficient witness between me and you: all

knowledge of Scripture comes from Him.”»*

‘Umar waited for the Messenger of God until he had finished the saying of
“Peace!” at the end of the ritual prayer.** The Messenger of God set off to
see his followers, and ‘Umar walked after him hurriedly when he saw him
go. Then ‘Umar said, “Wait for me, Muhammad!” The Prophet said, “I seek
refuge in God from you!” ‘Umar said, “Wait for me, Muhammad! O Messenger
of God!” The Messenger of God waited for him, and ‘Umar believed in him and
acknowledged the truth of his message.

Once “Umar had become a Muslim, he left to visit al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah.
He said: “O Uncle! I bear witness that I believe in God and His Messenger, and
I testify that there is no god but God and that Muhammad is His servant and
Messenger! So go inform your people of this!”

But al-Walid said, “My nephew! Remain firm in your stance toward
Muhammad. Your stature among the people is well known. Will a man rise

amid his people in the morning in one state and begin the evening in another?”

v\ & 21

1.9.3

1.9.4

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The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

“By God,” retorted ‘Umar, “the matter has become clear to me, so inform
your people that I have become Muslim.”

“T will not be the first to tell them this about you,” said al-Walid.

‘Umar then entered the elders’ assemblies, and once he ascertained that
al-Walid had not mentioned anything about him, he went to Jamil ibn Ma‘mar
al-Jumahi and said, “Spread the news: I testify that there is no god but God and
that Muhammad is his servant and Messenger.”

Jamil ibn Ma‘mar stood up, hurriedly picking up his cloak, and the assem-
blies of the Quraysh followed him. “Umar ibn al-Khattab has abandoned his
religion!” declared Jamil,“ but the Quraysh said nothing in reply, for ‘Umar was
an esteemed leader of his tribe, and they were afraid to denounce him. When
‘Umar saw that they did not denounce him because of what he had done, he
headed straightaway to their assemblies,** which were as well attended as they
had ever been. He then entered the walled enclosure of the Kaaba, pressed his
back up against the Kaaba, and cried out, “O company of Quraysh! Do you not
know that I testify that there is no god but God and that Muhammad is his
servant and Messenger?” Then they rose up in a fury, and some of their men
attacked him fiercely. He spent most of that day fighting them off, and eventu-
ally they left him alone. Thus did he seek to announce his acceptance of Islam,
walking to and fro in their midst and testifying that there is no god but God and
that Muhammad is His servant and Messenger. Eventually they left him alone,
for they had failed to harm him after being incited against him the first time.
This greatly distressed the infidels of the Quraysh, so they began persecuting*”

every man who embraced Islam, and even tortured a number of the Muslims.

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said:

The Messenger of God spoke of the damnation of the ancestors of the
Quraysh who had died as infidels, so they caused trouble for the Messenger of
God and showed him enmity. When God carried him away by night to al-Aqsa
Mosque, the people began to report that this had transpired. As a result, many
of those who had believed and had faith in him apostatized. They lost faith and
declared him to be a liar. One of the Pagans strolled over to Abt Bakr and said,
“This companion of yours claims to have been carried away this very night to
the Jerusalem Temple, and then to have returned in the same night!”

Abi Bakr replied, “He said that, did he?”

“Yes!” they said.

yy & 23

1.9.5

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ve 24

The Digging of the Well of Zamzam

Abu Bakr responded, “I testify that if he said such a thing then he has
spoken the truth!”

They said, “Do you believe that he went to Syria in a single night and
returned before the morning came!”

Abu Bakr replied, “Yes, and I'll believe something even more improbable
than that! I believe in his report of having been to heaven morning and night!”

For this reason, the Prophet named Abt Bakr al-Siddiq “the one who bears

witness to truth.”**

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: Anas ibn Malik informed me:

The night the Prophet was carried away God made fifty prayers incum-
bent upon him, but they were decreased to five. Then a voice called out,
“O Muhammad! «My decree cannot be altered»** and you have been given
five instead of fifty.”

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: Aba Salamah related to me on the authority of Jabir ibn “Abd
Allah, who said:

The Prophet said, “I stood in the walled enclosure of the Kaaba when my
tribe called me a liar. Then the Temple in Jerusalem came to me in a vision so

vividly that I was able to describe it to them.”

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyab related to me on the authority of Aba
Hurayrah, who said:

The Prophet said—after he had been carried away at night—“I met Moses.”
Then the Prophet described him: “There he was”—I reckon he said—“quite a
tall man with curly hair, like the men of the Shaniw’ah tribe.” Muhammad also
said, “I met Jesus,” and he described him saying, “stocky, of ruddy complexion,
as though he had just exited from a public bathhouse.*° I saw Abraham, too;
I, of all his descendants, resemble him the most.”

The Prophet also said, “Two containers were brought to me; in one was

51 «

milk and in the other wine. I was given the choice: * “Take whichever you

desire. I took the milk and drank it, and then it was said me, “You have been

62 Or, “You have chosen cor-

guided according to humankind’s original faith.
rectly according to humankind’s original faith. If you had chosen the wine,

your community would have been led astray.”

yo & 25

1.11

1.12

1.13

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amy 26

The Expedition of Hudaybiyah®

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, who said: al-Zuhri related to me, saying: ‘Urwah
ibn al-Zubayr related to me from Miswar ibn Makhramah and Marwan ibn al-Hakam, each
of whom attested to the truth of the other’s account. They said:

The Messenger of God departed from Medina at the time of Hudaybiyah,
leading a group of his Companions numbering a couple thousand men. When
eventually they arrived at Dhi |-Hulayfah, the Messenger of God adorned the
sacrificial camel with garlands and made an incision on its hump, marking it
for sacrifice. He donned the two seamless garments for undertaking the rites
of a pilgrimage to Mecca®™ and sent ahead of him one of his spies from the
Khuza‘ah tribe to bring him reports concerning the Quraysh. The Messenger
of God then marched onward. When he reached the pool of al-Ashtat, close
to ‘Usfan, his Khuza‘i spy came to him and said, “I just left the Ka‘b ibn Lwayy
and ‘Amir ibn Lu’ayy clans; they’ve gathered some hired troops** and several
bands of men to oppose you. They’re set to battle you and bar you from the
Sacred House.”

The Prophet said, “Lend me your counsel—do you reckon that we should
seize the women and children of those who have aided them in order to cap-
ture them? If they stand down, then they do so as defeated men unable to retal-
iate. If they escape, then their necks will be God’s to sever. Or do you reckon
that we should head for the Sacred House and battle against anyone who bars
us from entering?”

They said, “The Messenger of God knows best, O Prophet of God! We
have only come as pilgrims and not to fight anyone. But we are ready to fight
whoever stands between us and the Sacred House.” “Go forth then,” said the
Prophet.

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said:

Abu Hurayrah would say, “I’ve never seen anyone more inclined to consult

his companions than the Messenger of God.”

XV @& 27

2.1

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The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

Al-Zuhri continued with the story reported by Miswar ibn Makhramah and Marwan:

They then went forth and, at a certain point on the journey, the Prophet
said, “Khalid ibn al-Walid is at al-Ghamim with a troop of cavalry from the
Quraysh serving as scouts, so take the path to the right.” And, by God, not until
Khalid came upon the army’s dusty trail did he realize they had been there.
Then Khalid headed off straightaway, racing to warn the Quraysh. The Prophet
marched onward until he reached the mountain pass from which he could
descend upon the Quraysh. His she-camel, al-Qaswa’, knelt down there, and
the people said, “Hal, hal!”*® They also said, “Al-Qaswa’ has turned defiant;
al-Qasw@ has turned defiant!” “Al-Qasw@ has not turned defiant,” the Prophet
replied, “for that’s not in her nature. Rather, He Who halted the march of the
war elephant*” has caused her to stop.” Later he said, “By Him in Whose hands
my soul resides, there is no course of action magnifying the sacred things of
God that I will not grant them.” Then the Prophet spurred on his she-camel,
and she rushed forward with him on her back.

He turned away from them and descended to the farthest reaches of
Hudaybiyah, at a spot overlooking a dried-up puddle containing little water.
The people sipped at it little by little, and they had not tarried there long before
they drank it all up. Complaints were made to the Messenger of God, so he
removed an arrow from his quiver and ordered them to place it in the puddle.

Al-Zuhri said: By God, it did not cease gushing forth water until they had
left.**

Meanwhile, Budayl ibn Warqa@ al-Khuza‘l came in a group of his tribesmen
from Khuza‘ah who were trusted advisers of the Messenger of God from the
people of Tihamah. Budayl said, “I just left the Ka‘b ibn Lwayy and ‘Amir ibn
Lwayy clans. They have encamped among the wells of Hudaybiyah—and with
them are women and children—and they are ready to battle against you and to
bar you from the Sacred House.”

The Prophet said, “We have not come to battle against anyone. Rather, we
have come as pilgrims. War has exhausted the Quraysh and brought them to
ruin. If they wish, I shall grant them a period of respite, but they must leave
me and the people alone. If I prevail, and if they wish to join the people in
embracing Islam, then they may do so. If not, and if, after having gathered their
strength, they refuse, then by Him in Whose hand my soul resides, I will not
hesitate to fight against them for the sake of this cause of mine until my neck is
severed! Surely God will see His cause through to the end!”

Y4 & 29

23
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The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

Buday] said, “I will convey your words to them.” He then set out until he
reached the Quraysh, whereupon he declared, “We have come to you having
met this man Muhammad, and we have heard him put forward a proposal. If
you wish for us to present it to you, then we will do so.” Their dim-witted men

1”

said, “We don’t need for you to tell us anything!” But the reasonable ones said,
“Tell us what you heard him say.” Buday] said, “This is what I heard him say...”
and so continued to relate to them what he heard the Prophet say.

Then ‘Urwah ibn Mas‘td al-Thagafi stood up and said, “My people! Are you
not like my children?”

“Aye,” they said.

He said, “Am I not like your father?”

“Aye,” they said.

“Do you,” he asked, “hold me in any suspicion?”

“No,” they said.

He said, “Do you not know that I called the people of ‘Ukaz to your aid?
When they failed to heed me, did I not come to you with my family, my sons,
and whoever else would obey me?”*?

“Aye,” they said.

He said, “This man has offered you an upright course of action, so accept it
and allow me to go see him.”

“Go to him, then,” they said.

So he went.

So ‘Urwah conversed with the Prophet, and the Messenger of God said more
or less what he had said to Budayl. At that point, ‘Urwah said, “O Muhammad!
Have you not considered what will happen if your people come to ruin? Have
you ever heard of any other Arab before you who so devastated his people?
And if that doesn’t come to pass, I see no men of renown here—I see only a
motley group of people apt to forsake you.”

“Go suck on Allat’s clit!” interjected Abi Bakr. “Are we the sort to forsake
him and leave him?”

“Who is that?” demanded ‘Urwah.

“Abi Bakr,” the Prophet said.

“By Him in Whose hand my soul resides!” replied “Urwah. “Were it not for
my respect for you, I would have surely retaliated!”

‘Urwah resumed his conversation with the Prophet, and as he was speaking
to him, he grabbed hold of the Prophet’s beard. Now al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah

¥\ & 31

2.3.3

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The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

was standing right next to the Prophet, armed with a sword and wearing a
helmet. Whenever ‘Urwah would reach out his hand to grasp the Prophet’s
beard, al-Mughirah would hit his hand with the hilt of the sword and exclaim,
“Remove your hand from the beard of God’s Messenger!”

“Urwah lifted his head and asked, “Who’s this?”

“Al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah,” they answered.

“What a scoundrel!” ‘Urwah exclaimed. “Why, you’ve been most keen to
pursue your treachery!”

Now, while a disbeliever, al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah had entered into the
company of a clan whose members he later murdered and robbed of their
wealth.°° Afterward he came to Medina and became a Muslim. The Messenger
of God said, “As for your submission to God, I accept it. As for the property
you stole, I have no part in that.”

Then ‘Urwah began to look around at the companions of the Prophet, star-
ing at them wide-eyed. “By God,” he said, “when the Messenger of God hawks
up his phlegm, one of these men catches it in his hand and smears it on his
face and skin. And when he commands them to do something, they hasten to
accomplish his orders. And when he performs his ablutions, they nearly kill
themselves over the ablution water. Whenever they speak, they lower their
voices before him, and out of deference to him, they never look him in the eye.”

‘Urwah returned to his companions and said, “O people! By God, I have
been sent as an emissary to kings, sent as an emissary to Caesar, Khosroes, and

the Negus!°' By God, I have never seen a king whose companions so revered
him as the companions of Muhammad revere Muhammad. By God, if he were
to hawk up phlegm, then it would be caught in the palm of one of his compan-
ions, who would smear it on his face and his skin! If he commands them to do
something, they hasten to accomplish his orders. Whenever he performs his
ablutions, they nearly kill themselves over the ablution water. Whenever they
speak, they lower their voices before him, and out of deference to him, they
never look him in the eye. Indeed, he has presented you with an upright course
of action, so accept it.” A man from the Kinanah tribe said, “Permit me to go to

> «

him.” “By all means,” they said, “go to him.”

When the man from Kinanah saw the Prophet and his companions from
a distance, the Messenger of God said, “This is so-and-so; he’s from a tribe
that greatly reveres sacrificial camels. Send them out to him.” They sent the

camels out to him, and the people headed toward him crying out the pilgrims’

yy & 33

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ve 34

The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

invocations: “Here we are, O Lord!”® Once he saw that, he exclaimed,
“Glory be to God! It is not proper for these people to be turned away from
the Sacred House.”

When he returned to his people, he said, “I saw that the sacrificial camels
had been garlanded and marked for sacrifice, so I do not think these people
should be turned away from the Sacred House.” One of their men, Mikraz
ibn Hafs, said, “Allow me to go to him.” “Go to him,” they said. When he
could see them from a distance, the Prophet said, “This is Mikraz; he’s a dis-
solute man.” Mikraz began speaking to the Prophet, and while he was speak-
ing, Suhayl ibn ‘Amr came to see the Prophet.

Ma‘mar said: Ayyub informed me on the authority of ‘Ikrimah:

When Suhayl came, the Prophet said, “Your cause has just become easier
for you.”

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri continued with his narration:

Suhayl ibn ‘Amr came and said, “Let’s do this and be done with it! Write
an agreement between us and yourselves.”

The Prophet called for the scribe and said, “Write: In the name of God,
the Merciful and the Compassionate.”

Suhay] said, “As for ‘the Merciful, by God, I know not who he is. Rather,
write: In your name, O Lord, as you used to write.”®

The Muslims said, “By God, don’t write anything except for In the name of
God, the Merciful and the Compassionate\”

“Write: In your name, O Lord,’ ordered the Prophet, and then he said,
“This is what Muhammad the Messenger of God negotiated.”

“By God,” Suhayl objected, “if we had recognized you as being the Mes-
senger of God, then we would neither have barred you from the Sacred
House nor fought against you! Rather, write: Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah.”

“By God, I am indeed the Messenger of God,” replied the Prophet, “but if
you disbelieve, write: Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah.”

Al-Zuhri added: And that was due to the Prophet’s declaration, “I will
grant them any course of action that magnifies the sanctity of God.”

The Prophet said, “Let it be stipulated that you grant us access to the
Sacred House, so that we may circumambulate it.”

“We can’t have the Arabs saying that we gave in under pressure; rather,
that pilgrimage can wait until next year,” replied Suhayl. So it was written.

Then Suhayl continued, “And let it be stipulated that none of our men may

yo @ 35

2.3.5

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Amat 36

The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

come to you, even if they have accepted your religion, without you returning
them to us.”

“Glory be to God!” said the Muslims, “How can a person be sent back to
the Pagans when he has come to Medina seeking protection as a Muslim?”

At that very moment, Abi Jandal ibn Suhayl ibn ‘Amr®’ came forward
shackled in his bonds. He had fled from the lowlands of Mecca and thrown
himself before the Muslims. Suhayl then exclaimed, “This one, O Muhammad,
is the first one I'll charge you to return to me!”

“We have not yet finished the written agreement,” replied the Prophet.

“By God, then, I will never draw up a treaty with you,” retorted Suhayl.

“Hand him over to me,” the Prophet demanded.

“I will not release him to you!” Suhay] declared.

“In that case,” the Prophet said, “we have released him to you!”

Abi Jandal then cried out, “O Muslims! Shall I be sent back to the Pagans
after I have come to you as a Muslim? Do you not see how I have been treated?”
Indeed, Abu Jandal had been severely tortured for his belief in God.

‘Umar ibn al-Khattab said, “By God, until that day, I had never once had 2.3.7
doubts since becoming Muslim, so I went to the Prophet and asked:

“Are you not truly God’s prophet?’

“Yes, he said.

“Are we not in the right and our enemies in the wrong?’

“Yes, he said.

“Then why, I asked, ‘do we wrap our religion in disgrace?’
“T am indeed the Messenger of God, he said, ‘and I do not disobey Him.
He is the one who grants me victory.
““Did you not tell us that we would come to the Sacred House and circum-
ambulate it?’
“Yes, he said, “but did I inform you that you would come to it this year?’
“No, I said.
“He said, ‘But you will indeed go to it and circle around it.
‘Umar said, “Then I came to Abi Bakr and asked,
““O Abia Bakr! Is this not truly the prophet of God?’
“Yes, he said.

“T asked, ‘And are we not on the side of truth and our enemies on the side

209

of error?’
“Yes, he said.

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The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

“Then why, I asked, ‘do we wrap our religion in disgrace?’

“He replied, ‘Listen, man! He is indeed the Messenger of God! He does not
disobey his Lord, and He is the one who grants him victory. So hold tightly to
his saddle until you die. By God, we are on the side of truth!’

“T asked, ‘And has he not told us that we will come to the Sacred House and
circumambulate it?’

Did he inform you that you would come to it this year?’ Abt Bakr asked.
“No, I said.

“ce 209

But, he said, ‘you will indeed come to it and circle around it.

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Umar said, “Because of my doubts, I performed several
good deeds in expiation.”

When he had finished with the matter of the written agreement, the Mes-
senger of God said to his companions, “Rise up and make your sacrifices, and
then shave your heads,” but not a single man from among them stood up, even
after the Prophet had said that three times. When not one of them had risen,
he stood up and went to see Umm Salamah. When he told her how the people
had responded to him, Umm Salamah said, “O Prophet of God! If you don’t
like that, then go back out, but don’t say anything to them until you have sacri-
ficed your camel and called for your barber to shave your head.” So he got up,
went out, uttered not a word to any of them, and did just that: he sacrificed his
camel and called for his barber, who shaved his head. When his followers saw
this, they stood up, sacrificed their camels, and each began shaving the head of
the other, nearly killing each other out of remorse.

Afterward, believing women came to the Prophet, and God revealed:

«You who believe! Test the believing women who come to you
as emigrants—God knows best about their faith—and if you are
sure of their belief, do not send them back to the disbelievers:
they are not lawful wives for them. Give the disbelievers what-
ever bride gifts they have paid—if you choose to marry them,
there is no blame on you once you have paid their bride gifts—
and do not yourselves hold on to marriage ties with the unbeliev-

ing women.»

And on that very day “Umar ibn al-Khattab divorced two women who had
remained polytheists. One of them was subsequently married to Mu‘awiyah
ibn Abi Sufyan and the other to Safwan ibn Umayyah.

YA & 39

2.3.8

2.3.9

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Wb ger Wieithé yg be

The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

Later, the Prophet returned to Medina, where Abt Basir, a Qurashi man 2.3.10

who became Muslim, came to him. The Meccans sent two men in his pursuit,
and they demanded, “Honor the agreement that you made with us.” So the
Prophet handed Abi Basir over to the two men. The two men departed, and in
time they brought Abi Basir to Dhi 1-Hulayfah, where they made their camp
and ate some dates they had with them.

Abi Basir said to one of the two men, “By God, I see this sword of yours is
quite fine!”

The other unsheathed it and said, “Yes, by God, it is indeed quite fine. I’ve
wielded it in battle many times over.”

“Do you think,” asked Abt Basir, “that I could have a look at it?”

The man handed it to him, and Abt Basir struck him down, leaving him
stone-cold dead. The other man fled and eventually reached Medina. He
sprinted into the mosque, and when the Messenger of God saw him, he said,
“This man has seen something terrifying!” When he reached the Prophet,
he said, “My companion, by God, he’s been killed! And I’m as good as dead!”

Abi Basir arrived and said, “O Prophet of God, God has honored your end
of the bargain. You returned me to them, but God delivered me from them.”

The Prophet said, “Woe to your mother! He would set the fires of war
ablaze if he had supporters!”

When Abi Basir heard those words, he knew that the Prophet would return
him to the Quraysh, so he left Medina and made for the coast. Abt Jandal ibn
Suhayl also escaped from the Quraysh; they joined forces and formed a band
of marauders.®

By God, whenever these men heard that a Qurashi caravan was on its
way to Syria, they would attack it, kill the men, and take their possessions.
The Quraysh sent a message to the Prophet, invoking God and their bonds of
kinship, stating that, if the Prophet were to send a message to those men, then
whoever would come to him would be safe. So the Prophet sent a message to

them, and God revealed:

«In the valley of Mecca it was He who held their hands back from
you and your hands back from them after He gave you the advan-
tage over them—God sees all that you do. They were the ones who
disbelieved, who barred you from the Sacred Mosque, and who
prevented the offering from reaching its place of sacrifice. If there

had not been among them, unknown to you, believing men and

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The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

women whom you would have trampled underfoot, inadvertently
incurring guilt on their account—God brings whoever he will into
his mercy—if the believers had been clearly separated, We would
have inflicted a painful punishment on the disbelievers. While the

disbelievers had fury in their hearts—the fury of ignorance ...»”°

Their “fury” means that they neither affirmed that he was the Prophet of God
nor used the words In the name of God, the Merciful and the Compassionate,
and that they stood between him and the Sacred House.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of ‘Ikrimah ibn ‘Ammar, who said: Aba Zamil Simak
al-Hanafi informed us that he heard Ibn ‘Abbas say:

The scribe who wrote down the pact on the day of Hudaybiyah was ‘Ali ibn
Abi Talib.

‘Abd al-Razzaq said: Ma‘mar reported to us:
I asked al-Zuhri about this, and he laughed and said, “The scribe was ‘Ali
ibn Abi Talib, but were you to ask them”—by whom he meant the Umayyads—

“they would say it was ‘Uthman.” ”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority oMa‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri who said: 7

Heraclius was a seer’ who would look into the stars. One morning when he
awoke, the people of his court saw something amiss in his appearance. So they
asked him, “What troubles you?”

“I looked into the stars last night,” he said, “and I saw that the king of the
circumcised”* has appeared.”

“Do not let this trouble you,” they said, “for only the Jews are circumcised.
Dispatch an order to your cities to have every Jew killed.”

Al-Zuhri said: Heraclius wrote to one of his fellow seers, who also looked
into the stars, and he wrote back to him with the like of what Heraclius had
told his court. Later, the ruler of Bostra sent him an Arab man to inform Hera-
clius about this Prophet, so Heraclius said, “Find out whether he is circum-
cised!” His courtiers answered, “They have looked, and lo, he is circumcised.”

“Truly,” they said, “the king of the circumcised has appeared.”

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The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority al-Zuhri who said: “Ubayd
Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Utbah ibn Mas‘td related to me from Ibn ‘Abbas, who said: Abi
Sufyan reported to me straight from his lips to mine:

Abu Sufyan said: I went on a journey during the respite from the fighting
between us and the Messenger of God, and while I was in Syria, a missive from
the Messenger of God was delivered to Heraclius. It was Dihyah al-Kalbi who
carried and delivered it to the governor of Bostra, who in turn delivered the
letter to Heraclius. Heraclius said, “Is there in Arabia anyone who claims he is
a prophet from this man’s people?” “Yes,” his attendees answered.

Abu Sufyan continued: I was summoned along with several of the Quraysh,
so we entered Heraclius’ court and sat down with him. He asked, “Which of
you is the closest relative of this man who claims he is a prophet?”

“I am,” I said, so they sat me down in front of him and sat my companions
behind me. Then he called for his translator and said,

“Say to them: ‘I am going to ask this one here about the man who claims he
is a prophet. If he lies, then the others are to expose him as a liar.”

(Abi Sufyan admitted: I swear by God, if it were not for the risk of earning
a reputation as a liar, then I would have lied!)

Then Heraclius said to his translator, “Ask him, “How is he esteemed among
you?”

“He is well esteemed among us,” I said.

“Was there a king among his ancestors?” he asked.

“No,” I said.

“Did any of you accuse him of mendacity before he said this?” he asked.

“No,” I said.

“And who follows him,” he asked, “the powerful or the powerless?”

“Just the powerless,” I said.

He asked, “Do their numbers decrease rather than increase?”

“No,” I said, “they are increasing.”

He asked, “Does anyone who has entered his religion apostatize from it out
of any displeasure with him?”

“No,” I said.

“Have you fought against him?” he asked.

“Yes,” I said.

“How did your battles against him fare?” he asked.

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e1 46

The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

“The war between us and them has been a stalemate,” I said. “A number of
ours have fallen, and a number of theirs have fallen.”

“Does he commit any treachery?” he asked.

“No,” I said, “we are at an armistice with him. We don’t know what he’s
planning to do at this time.”

Abu Sufyan said: By God, Heraclius did not permit me to say another word
about the subject.

“Has anyone else made this claim before him?” he asked.

“No,” I said.

Heraclius then said to his translator, “Say to him, ‘I asked all of you about
how this prophet is esteemed, and you said, “He is well esteemed among us.”
And so are all prophets God has sent esteemed among their people. I asked you
if there was a king among his ancestors, and you claimed there was not. I said
that if there had been a king among his ancestors, then I would have said he is
a man seeking the kingdom of his forefathers. I asked you about his followers
“Are they the powerless among them or the strong?” You said the powerless
among them, and the powerless are indeed the followers of prophets. I asked
you, “Did you accuse him of mendacity before saying what he said?” And you
claimed not. Then I knew that he would not eschew lying to the people and
then go and lie against God. I asked you, “Has any one of them apostatized
from his religion after entering it due to displeasure with him?” You claimed
not, and so it is with true faith, when it gladdens hearts. I asked you, “Are they
increasing in number or decreasing?” You claimed that they were increasing in
number, and so it is with true faith—it does not cease to grow until it is com-
plete. And I asked you, “Have you fought against him?” You claimed that you
had fought against him, and that the war between you has been a stalemate.
Sometimes he gains the upper hand and sometimes you gain the upper hand.
And so it is that the prophets are tested. Afterward, to them belongs the final
outcome. And I asked you, “Does he act treacherously?” And you claimed that
he does not act treacherously. And so it is—the prophets do not act treacher-
ously. I also asked you, “Has anyone made this claim before him?” And you
claimed not. So I say, “If this claim was made by someone before, then I would
have said he is a man following a claim said before him.” What does he com-
mand of you all?”

Isaid, “He commands us to pray, to pay alms, to act virtuously, and to honor
the bonds of kinship.”

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The Expedition of Hudaybiyah

“If what you say is true,” he said, “then he is a prophet, and I have indeed
come to know that he has appeared. I did not suspect that he would be one of
you Arabs. Had I known that I could reach him, then it would have delighted
me to encounter him; and had I found myself in his company, then I would have
washed his feet. His dominion will stretch to the very earth beneath my feet.””*
Abu Sufyan said: Then he called for the letter of the Messenger of God and

read it. Its contents were as follows:

In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. From
Muhammad the Messenger of God to Heraclius the Emperor of
Rome. Peace upon those who follow guidance. Now to the heart
of the matter: I summon you with the summons of Islam. Submit
and be saved. Submit, and God will reward you twice over. But
if you turn away, then you will fall prey to the sin of the wicked
tenants.’ «People of the Book! Come to common terms between
us and you, that we shall worship none but God and shall ascribe
no partner to Him, nor shall we take others beside God as lords.

If they turn away, say, “So bear witness that we are Muslims.” »””

When he had finished reading the letter, many voices were raised around
him and there arose a great clamor. He then ordered that we be shown out
of the hall.

Abu Sufyan added: I said to my companions when we left, “This affair of
Ibn Abi Kabshah has grown to such proportions that God may even cause me
to embrace Islam!”

Al-Zuhri said: Heraclius summoned the dignitaries of Rome and gathered
them together in one of his residences. Then he said, “Romans! Do all of you
wish to have felicity and guidance until the end of time and to secure your
dominion for yourselves? Then give your allegiance to this prophet!” Then
the dignitaries hurriedly fled to the doors like wild asses, but found that they
had been locked. Then he summoned them back and said, “I have tested your
dedication to your religion, and I am pleased with what I have seen from you.”
Then they bowed low before him and voiced their satisfaction with him.

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The Incident at Badr’®

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said con-
cerning God’s decree, «Disbelievers, if you were seeking a divine decision, now you have
witnessed one»:

Abi Jahl ibn Hisham sought a divine decision, praying, “O Lord, make
known which of us’—by whom he meant Muhammad and himself—“is more
insolent against you and guiltiest of severing the bonds of kinship! May you
cause him to perish this day!” Indeed, God killed Abi Jahl on the day of Badr
as an infidel doomed to the fires of Hell.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri narrating from
“Urwah ibn al-Zubayr, who said:

The Messenger of God received the command to wage war soon thereafter
in several verses of the Qur’an.®° The first battle that the Messenger of God
witnessed was at Badr, and on that day, the leader of the Pagans was “Utbah ibn
Rabi‘ah ibn ‘Abd Shams. They met at Badr on Friday after the seventeenth, or
the sixteenth, night of Ramadan had passed.® The companions of the Messen-
ger of God numbered over 310 men, and the Pagans numbered between 900
and 1,000. That was “the day of manifest redemption,”** for God defeated the
Pagans on that day. More than seventy souls from their ranks were killed and a
similar number taken captive.

Al-Zuhri said: There was no one who witnessed Badr who was not either a

Qurashi, an Ally, or a confederate of one of the two factions.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar who said: Ayyub reported to me on the author-
ity of ‘Ikrimah that:

Abi Sufyan had drawn near to Medina in a caravan of the Quraysh return-
ing from Syria, and the Pagans marched out to provide support for their cara-
van because the Prophet had set out in pursuit of Aba Sufyan and his troop.
The Messenger of God sent two men as spies to discover at which well Aba
Sufyan had stopped. The two went out to search for him and ascertained his

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The Incident at Badr

whereabouts and what he was up to; then they quickly returned to report back
to the Messenger of God.

Abu Sufyan proceeded as far as the well where the two men had been and
alighted there. He asked the people near the well, “Have you noticed anyone
from Yathrib?”

“No,” they answered.

Then he asked, “Has anyone at all passed by you?”

“We’ve seen no one,” they answered, “except for two men from such-and-
such place.”

“And where did the two men make camp?”

They led him to the place, and he walked about until he came upon their
feces, which he crumbled apart. There in the feces he found the pits of dates,
whereupon he asked, “Aren’t these the dates that come from such-and-such
clan? These are the watering holes of the people of Yathrib!” He then left the
desert route and went along the coast.

The two spies returned and reported to the Prophet the news about Abu
Sufyan. The Prophet then asked, “Who among you has taken this route?”

“T have,” Abu Bakr answered. “He is at such-and-such well, and now we are
at such-and-such well. Soon he will travel on and make camp at such-and-such
well, and we will make camp at such-and-such well. Next he will make camp at
such-and-such well, and we will make camp at such-and-such well. Then at last
we will meet at such-and-such well, like two thoroughbreds eager for contest.”

The Prophet marched onward until he made camp at Badr. At Badr’s well,
he found some slaves belonging to the Quraysh who had gone out to give sup-
port to Aba Sufyan. His companions captured them and began interrogating
them. Whenever the slaves would tell them the truth, they beat them, but
if the slaves lied to them, they desisted. The Prophet passed by them while
they were doing this, and said, “If they tell you the truth, you beat them, but if
they lie to you, you don’t?”® Then he summoned one of the slaves and asked,
“Who is it that feeds the tribe?” “So-and-so and so-and-so,” he replied and so
recounted all those men responsible for feeding them daily. The Prophet asked,
“How many cattle are slaughtered for them?” “Ten camels,” he answered. Then
the Prophet said, “A slaughtered camel feeds one hundred men, so they must
number between nine hundred and a thousand.”

When the Pagans had come and arrayed themselves for battle against the
Muslims, the Prophet had already consulted with his Companions on how they

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The Incident at Badr

ought to conduct the battle. Abi Bakr stood and gave the Prophet his counsel,
and the Prophet asked him to sit down. Then the Prophet again sought coun-
sel, so ‘Umar stood and gave the Prophet his counsel, and the Prophet asked
him to sit down. Once again the Prophet sought counsel from his companions.
Sa‘d ibn ‘Ubadah stood and spoke: “O Prophet of God! It is as though you
have examined us today to learn what is in our hearts. By the One in whose
hands my soul resides, were you to strike at their hearts until you reach Birk
al-Ghimad of Dhi Yaman** we would still be alongside you!” Thereupon the
Messenger of God urged his companions to be resolute and prepare for battle,
and he was pleased with their readiness.

When the armies met, ‘Utbah ibn Rabi‘ah marched out before the Quraysh
and said, “Listen, my tribe! Heed my request and do not go out to battle against
Muhammad and his companions! Verily, if you fight against them, you will find
only ruin and an intractable feud that you will not survive. Your men will still
look to destroy his brother’s killer and his cousin’s killer. If he be a king, then
you will feast in the kingdom of your brother; and if he be a prophet, then by
him you will become the most blessed of people. If he be a liar, then it suffices
for you to leave him to the Arab diebs,** for they refuse to listen to his words
and refuse to obey him.” Then he continued, “I implore you, by God, to follow
these instructions like a lantern’s light! Follow them as a fitting substitute for
instructions that lure you like serpents’ eyes!”

Abu Jahl replied, “You’ve filled your mouth with cowards’ prattle!” Then
he marched out before the Quraysh and said, “Indeed, ‘Utbah ibn Rabi‘ah
has only given you this counsel because his son fights with Muhammad, and
Muhammad is his paternal cousin. He is loath to battle lest his son or cousin
be slain.”

‘Utbah ibn Rabi‘ah became furious and retorted, “You yellow asshole!
Today you'll see just who’s the most spineless, sordid craven among his tribe!”
Then he descended to the battlefield, and with him came his brother Shaybah
ibn Rabi‘ah and his son al-Walid ibn “Utbah. They cried out, “Bring us your
challengers!”
them to sit back down. Then ‘Ali, Hamzah, and ‘Ubaydah ibn al-Harith ibn
al-Muttalib ibn ‘Abd Manaf stood up.*° Each man and his opponent exchanged

A number of the Khazraj clan rose up, but the Prophet ordered

two blows, and each slew his rival. Hamzah aided ‘Ali against his opponent and
slew him. “‘Ubaydah’s leg was severed, and he died not long after that.

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The Incident at Badr

The first of the slain on the Muslims’ side was Mihja‘, a slave-client of
‘Umar. Then God sent down His victory and defeated the enemy. Aba Jahl ibn
Hisham was slain. When this was reported to the Prophet, he said, “Was this
your deed?” “Yes, O Prophet of God,” they replied. He was pleased and said,
“T recall that he had a pale scar across his knees. Go back and see whether it’s
there.” They went to look and it was.

On that day a number of the Quraysh were taken captive. The Prophet com-
manded that bodies of the slain be brought over and dumped into an old well.
Then the Messenger of God cast his gaze over the dead and said, “O ‘Utbah
ibn Rabi‘ah! O Umayyah ibn Khalaf!”—and he began calling out their names
one by one—“Have you now found your Lord’s warning to be true?” His com-
panions asked, “O Prophet of God, do they hear what you say?” The Prophet
replied, “You are no more knowledgeable of what I say than they’—meaning

that they had seen the consequence of their deeds.*”

Ma‘mar said: I heard Hisham ibn ‘Urwah report:

On that day, the Prophet sent Zayd ibn Harithah to announce the good
news to the inhabitants of Medina. Some people refused to accept the truth of
his report and said, “By God, this man has only returned because he’s fleeing!”
Zayd started to tell them about the captives and those who had been slain,
but they did not believe him until the captives were brought bound and tied.
Later, the Prophet ransomed the captives.

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The Combatants Whom the Prophet Took Captive at Badr

‘Abd al-Razzaq related to us: Ma‘mar related to us on the authority of Qatadah and ‘Uthman
al-Jazari, both of whom said:

The Messenger of God ransomed the captives from Badr, and the ransom
for each man was four thousand dirhams. ‘Uqbah ibn Abi Mu‘ayt was killed
before being ransomed. ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib attacked and killed him. Before
he died, ‘Uqbah said, “O Muhammad! Who will look after my children?”

“Hellfire!” he answered.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, who said: ‘Uthman al-Jazari related to me on
the authority of Miqsam, who said:

When al-‘Abbas was taken among the captives at the Battle of Badr, the
Messenger of God heard him sobbing in his fetters. That night the Prophet
could not sleep, nor would slumber overtake him. One of the Allies noticed
this and said, “O Messenger of God, you’ve been kept awake the entire night!”

“It’s al-“Abbas,” replied the Prophet. “The fetters hurt him, and that is what
kept me awake.”

“Shall I go and slacken his bonds a bit?” asked the man from the Allies.

“Do so if you like,” the Prophet answered, “but only on your own account.”

The Ally set off and loosened the bonds of al-‘Abbas. He became composed
and quiet, and the Messenger of God slept.

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The Incident Involving the Hudhay] Tribe at al-Raji‘ **

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority of
‘Amr ibn Abi Sufyan al-Thaqafi, on the authority of Abt Hurayrah, who said:

The Messenger of God dispatched a scouting expedition and appointed
over them as commander ‘Asim ibn Thabit, who is also the grandfather of
‘Asim ibn ‘Umar. They set out and eventually made camp along the route
between ‘Usfan and Mecca. Word of their whereabouts reached a clan of the
Hudhayl tribe called the Lihyan, and the Lihyan pursued them with around a
hundred archers. Once they had caught sight of their tracks, they alighted at
a campsite they spotted. There they found date pits that they recognized as
being from Yathrib. “This is a date from Yathrib!” they exclaimed and followed
their tracks until they caught up with them. When ‘Asim ibn Thabit and his
companions caught sight of them, they fled to a patch of high ground in the
desert waste. The Lihyanis came and surrounded them, saying, “If you sur-
render to us, you'll have our oath and pledge that not one of your men will be
killed.” ‘Asim ibn Thabit replied, “As for me, I’ll never surrender to the protec-
tion of an infidel! O Lord, inform your Messenger of our plight!”

The Lihyanis fought them and eventually succeeded in killing ‘Asim and six
others. Khubayb ibn ‘Adi, Zayd ibn Dathinnah, and another man survived, and
the Lihyanis offered them their oath and pledge of safety if they surrendered.
Thus they surrendered. When the Lihyanis had seized them, they unfastened
their bowstrings and used them to tie the men up. The third man alongside
Khubayb and Zayd said, “This is only the first act of treachery.” He refused to
accompany his captors, so they dragged him. He still refused to follow them,
saying, “My lot is with the slain.” So they beheaded him and set off with Khu-
bayb ibn ‘Adi and Zayd ibn Dathinnah, whom they sold as slaves in Mecca.

The sons of al-Harith ibn ‘Amir ibn Nawfal purchased Khubayb because he
had killed their father al-Harith at the Battle of Badr. He remained with them
as a captive until they had all agreed to kill him. While captive, Khubayb asked
to borrow a razor from one of al-Harith’s daughters for trimming his pubic

hair,®? and she loaned him one. She said, “I had lost track of one of my boys,

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The Incident Involving the Hudhay] Tribe at al-Raji

who tiptoed his way around to Khubayb. He lifted the boy up and placed him
on his lap. When I saw him with the razor in his hand, I had quite a fright,
which he noticed. ‘Are you afraid I'll kill him?’ he asked. ‘I would never do

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such a thing, God willing!” She continued, “I never saw a captive as virtuous
as Khubayb. Indeed, I saw him eating from a bunch of grapes, even though in
that season there was no fruit in Mecca and he was still shackled in irons. It was
nothing less than a gift of sustenance granted him by God.”

Afterward, the sons of al-Harith took Khubayb out of the Sacred Precincts
to kill him.?° Khubayb said, “Allow me to do two prostrations’ worth of
prayers,” which he did.” Then he said, “I’ll pray no more, for otherwise you'll
suspect I fear death.” Thus Khubayb was the first to establish the precedent
of undertaking two prostrations’ worth of prayers before facing execution.

4792

He said, “O Lord! Reckon well my killers’ number!””* and recited:

’Tis no concern to be killed a Muslim;

whatever the cause, ’twas for God I struggled.
’Tis for God to decide, if He wills;

He blesses a body’s limbs even if mangled.

Then ‘Ugbah ibn al-Harith went over to him and slew him.

The Quraysh sent their messengers to obtain a piece of ‘Asim ibn ‘Uqbah’s
corpse and thus confirm his death—for ‘Asim had killed one of their greatest
men—but God sent a swarm of bees as thick as a cloud to protect ‘Asim’s corpse

from their messengers, and they were unable to acquire any part of his body.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of ‘Uthman al-Jazari, on the
authority of Miqsam, the slave-client of Ibn ‘Abbas. Ma‘mar said: and al-Zuhri also related
to me part of the narration:

“Ugbah ibn Abi Mu‘ayt and Ubayy ibn Khalaf al-Jumahi once met together.
The two were close friends during the Era of Ignorance, and Ubayy ibn Khalaf
had just been with the Prophet, who had encouraged him to become a Muslim.
When ‘Ugbah heard about this, he said to Ubayy, “I won’t be able to stand
the sight of you until you go to Muhammad, spit in his face, curse him, and
denounce him as a liar!” But God would not permit him to do such a thing.

At the battle of Badr, ‘Uqbah ibn Abi Mu‘ayt was among the captives.
The Prophet ordered ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib to kill him, and ‘Ugbah cried out,
“O Muhammad! Am Ialone to be killed of all these people?”

Ww & 63

5.1.4

5.1.5

5.2.1

5.2.2

Cee e Dn Ca
Sid
Ayu y all fo Spey Dd, IK si

ects bs ee Sb

ul a. de all ple JB LUN I pall ya 8 (fl al rae
ee ded Ib

ade atl Jo ail Ju ulld ae begs aly Sls WE y, GILL,
call oe US a of Je Glib SE atl LS OL eal UL Sls bey
fety ale abl Joie 35 UL al Sts by, Gl UL bey ae al ro
das’ | cath Jats by oS sdb atl LL OL adil bl pdb EBL
ae ail [ro abl Spry lyaed bagi and d Cai J Jb SOB J
SS wae ul gp aol py d8tb & OIL La by
soy, ude oye Jos Sef ale SA bey ae ail foe coll Ae ah Jab
Ac dey ade atl re at Spey alld GL Ub hey ae ail Joo il us
C4 6B7 SB My ole Sy ly Wand ale 26s alse
Jab oe G pall ytols pe ‘Sa ox b poll BBs Mead
Alp Slab AyBy og gay gl l > aleel ib dle Oe
Uh JB oS all * gtl ai V gree bd aly Ske ue VL hb
VSM JB aged dl Gd Jab Gall WY ail, Saal Le OL asi
6h PTE chap al eb OUI Jlol & UB ATO,
45S aS LAN 43 JL

jleab! jal 2 ‘lel Wages) bl « gra) Yi ¢ ‘eC Y WS ie¢ Y .dley edie ¢ bly

ats 64

The Incident Involving the Hudhay] Tribe at al-Raji‘

“Yes,” answered the Prophet.

“Why?” he asked.

The Prophet replied, “For your disbelief, your depravity, and your inso-
lence toward God and his Messenger!”

Ma‘mar said: Miqsam said:

It was reported to us—though God knows best—that ‘Ugqbah said: “But who
will watch over my children?” And the Prophet replied, “Hellfire!” So ‘Ali ibn
Abi Talib walked over to ‘Uqbah and beheaded him.

As for Ubayy ibn Khalaf, he said, “By God, I will kill Muhammad!” Word of
this reached the Messenger of God, and he said, “Rather, I shall kill him, God
willing.” A man who overheard the Prophet say this set out to find Ubayy ibn
Khalaf. He said to Ubayy, “Indeed, when Muhammad was told what you said,
he replied, ‘Rather, I will kill him, God willing,” That terrified Ubayy, who
said, “I abjure you, by God! Did you really hear him say that?” “Yes,” the man
replied, and the words pierced Ubayy’s heart, because no one had ever heard
the Messenger of God speak a word that was not true. At the battle of Uhud,
Ubayy ibn Khalaf marched out with the Pagans, and he began to search for the
Prophet to catch him unawares and attack him. A Muslim man barred the way
between him and the Prophet, but when the Messenger of God saw this, he
said to his companions, “Leave him to me!” The Prophet grabbed his lance and
knocked Ubayy to ground—or he speared him with it, he said—and the lance
lodged in his collar, right beneath the gorget of his helm and above his chain-
mail. There was not a lot of blood from the wound, because the blood filled
his gut. He began bellowing like a bull, and his companions came forward and
carried him away still bellowing. “What is this?” they said. “By God, you’ve
merely been grazed!” Ubayy replied, “By God, he’d have killed me even if he
had only hit me with his spittle! Did he not say, ‘I will kill him, God willing’?
By God, were he to have struck the people at the market of Dhu I-Majaz with
its like, he would have slain them all!”

Ubayy survived but a day, or nearly that, before he died, destined for Hell.

Concerning him, God revealed:

«On that Day the evildoer will bite his own hand and say, “If only I
had taken the same path as the Messenger. Woe is me! If only I had
not taken so-and-so as a friend— he led me away from the Revela-

tion after it reached me; Satan has always betrayed humankind.” »**

10 6&5

5-3

ap of te SGA) ee or Shlas

is ae oh Se anal BL A pall isp OG
as\ je aN dew & ob ll oy ak, mts mite cs co See

Se Vy mV oy yy SBlL nd SI Je Oe Jes & fey le
DAM gscie Bosse » nd ail 7b Dall ge AA! YL
4 SN apy Sialic gil oe SLA
Reg Ayeb . SL Je pablo Shey ale ail Je ll petits
AV). DH pale SH a GE he peas | am cli
3 Ase OSS. 6 AAISY > pul, Ls, SAGAS pede
plas JL Ca Js

Cel op Jes oe dl Sy. galas galas Gel SiG all oe eroe Sh las
Jy ae al Jue cl

on Oty ee 8 ges dhe ol G | galas J IS pj SI
es Ady fo EN dee bes ade ai je ail Sgr y « Caps wy
gh Zea) Al Pr Bl Bae tell jal isi Sly ole ray <I Oi
oe

VV 66

The Incident Concerning the Clan of al-Nadir”*

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, according to his
narration from “Urwah:

Then there transpired the raid on the clan of al-Nadir, a faction of Jews, six
months after the incident at Badr.** Their homes and date palms were located
on the outskirts of Medina. The Messenger of God besieged them until they
surrendered and entered exile, agreeing to take with them only what wealth
and effects their camels could carry, minus any arms, meaning weaponry.

Concerning them, God revealed:

«Everything in the heavens and earth glorifies God; He is the
Almighty, the Wise. It was He who drove from their homes those of
the People of the Book who broke faith at the first banishment. . .»*°

The Prophet fought against them until they sued for peace and accepted exile.
He exiled them to Syria, even though they were from a tribe that had not once
been exiled in ages past. Yet God decreed exile as their punishment, and if it
were not so, they would have been chastised with death and captivity in this
world. As for God’s word «the first banishment», this means that their exile
was the first time in this earthly life that Jews were banished to Syria.”’

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said: ‘Abd
al-Rahman ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Ka‘b ibn Malik reported to me on the authority of one of the
Prophet’s companions that:

The infidel Quraysh wrote to ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy ibn Salil and also to
those members of the Aws and Khazraj tribes who were idolaters. This
occurred while the Messenger of God resided in Medina but before the inci-
dent at Badr. The infidel Quraysh said, “You have given shelter to our tribes-
man, and you remain the more numerous of Medina’s inhabitants. We swear
by God that you had better either kill him or expel him, or else we will rally
the Arabs to help us and march against you in our full numbers, slaying your

warriors and ravishing your women!”

Ww 8 67

6.1

6.2.1

wall gas

bplnsle bynkrlb Uglasl ects Vee ope aa ay al. i) oH ah, We
ae al Le coll ols ae lel, hey ade ail Lo (oll Jed arly
MOS. gracias Jas Fole oad dey
Ue Sleds Sl ee ae Lal 4laS Slows
Pj EAB ad ASE ey ae abl Le call yy lb Lae’

vara aad sis gq}! QI yoy 45g Jo cy, 5 iS oy 489 ws
SL pe Gus len JA Ys NGC ail eee itd Sh Sab
cL dll pally coal oped! man ples dbl ay ee
3 EA chlor! Sey GDH SLL GAT dey dle oil Le cl ul
Jie ob cha lps? Sug oy eta ISOS SF & De Gd!
Weal ch Igaly

or Woe Opt all GAs aleel oe Gd bey ale ail Le ill gh
Opal BE s sorb oggll cam JB ay he Bla lbh ape!
aM Nghe AB ge OI A aS alee ye Shey OSH any cl
AS GAy heel yy BG GA! Shey OF a wall pad OS
ME hiey EAT eh Leal ob che Lye leslde oy Sot

Span ceil ally pbb Je lie aleel on Bag ll ct
Nee! & dl wall & ap wee I ehusb fey ade atl Je aa!

fon able yo [eS]

VA 68

The Incident Concerning the Clan of al-Nadir

When word of this reached Ibn Ubayy and the idolaters who were with
them, they exchanged messages and convened. They then dispatched a mes-
sage to the Quraysh, agreeing to murder the Prophet and his Companions.
When the Prophet caught wind of this, he and a band of his men confronted
them, saying, “The threats of the Quraysh have certainly wreaked havoc upon
you. They didn’t beguile you nearly as much as you wish to beguile yourselves.
You are the ones who seek to kill your own sons and brothers.” When they
heard the words the Prophet had spoken, they dispersed and went their sepa-
rate ways, and word of these matters reached the infidel Quraysh.

Subsequently, the battle of Badr transpired. It was after the events at Badr
that the infidel Quraysh wrote the Jews as follows: “Indeed, you are a well-
armed and well-fortified people, so you had better kill our tribesman, or else
we will surely take action and nothing will stand between us and the attendants
of your womenfolk”—by “the attendents of your womenfolk” they meant their
golden anklets.”* When their letter reached the Jews, the clan of al-Nadir chose
treachery. Then they sent a message to the Prophet, saying, “Come out to meet
us with thirty of your companions, and we will come forth with thirty rabbis.
We can meet at such-and-such place, halfway between you and us, and listen
to what you have to say. If the rabbis believe in the truth of what you say and
believe in you, then we shall all believe.”

The Prophet then set out, taking thirty of his companions with him. Thirty
of the Jews’ rabbis also came out to meet him, and eventually they had all gath-
ered at an open expanse of earth. The Jews began to say to one another, “How
will we be able to reach Muhammad when he has thirty of his companions at
his side—each of them more willing than the next to lay down his life for him?”
So they sent him this message: “How can we understand what’s being said if
we number altogether sixty men? Come forward with only three of your com-
panions, and three of our scholars will set out to meet with you so that they can
listen to what you have to say. And if they believe in your message, we too will
believe, all of us, and testify to the truth of your message.”

The Prophet then set out with only three of his companions. The Jews had
brought daggers and concealed them, for they wanted to assassinate God’s
Messenger. However, an honest Jewess from al-Nadir sent word to her neph-
ews—for her brother was one of the Muslim Allies—and she informed her

brother about the plans of al-Nadir to betray the Messenger of God. Quickly

Ww &) 69

6.2.2

jeg cs
Speen sill oe pall jo able ge eb GLa Yl yy hms Nay gs
Hey ale ail be coll Sal & G, leg ib bey ale all fo al
sett! fey ae atl Le ll Joe TON

be atl Spe ade be wall oy SEU esate ail beled
se VL Gace opel Y <I ime) Jb Pb cl bey nel ail
F -Opdelly go ld porn ellis « age oglee SII vale Gosals
agdale ol JI Pleas niall Gis Ue, SV; S, Je adllee
de Ne atts AL psell & Shey ge bss apaals
+ ‘ere 73 asl, Aad! YI yy rae ~ jl des wel
SF NI Letts wiley clyly pel ye pM HILL pal
Mgt& opt wily be Og Wyered wigs

dam oy all gO pL UL ttl se dil US Arle of

NN file LG. Se tl Se ke pane Selpel py tolaal ye
Sl or pede al SL Wyk Heya ail fe ail J pel ola
AM aGfelpedigop al Ib eps Se UNS pete
pall & J OG. FSFE Eup be Velo
Sle ly very Lil iN alae alk bey ale al je ail Jyu!

edb

The Incident Concerning the Clan of al-Nadir

her brother set off, and when he reached the Prophet he disclosed their secret
plans before the Prophet had reached the Nadir clan.

The Prophet turned back and then came to the Nadir clan the next morn-
ing with several arrays of armed men and besieged them. He said to them,
“Unless you enter into a pact with me, you'll have no guarantee of protection.”
They refused to agree to a pact with the Prophet, so he and the Muslims fought
against them that very day. The following morning, the Prophet went to the
Qurayzah clan with cavalry and several arrays of armed men, leaving the Nadir
clan behind.?? He summoned the Qurayzah clan to make a pact with him, and
so they did. The Prophet then turned away from the Qurayzah clan and headed
back to the Nadir clan with his armed men. He fought them and eventually
they surrendered, agreeing to be exiled and to take with them only what their
camels could carry, minus any arms—meaning weapons. The clan of al-Nadir
left Medina carrying only as many of their effects as their camels could bear.
These included even the doors of their homes and the wooden beams, for they
had taken apart their houses and dismantled them to carry away all the wood
they could salvage.

Their exile was the first time a people had been banished to Syria. The clan
of al-Nadir was descended from one of the original tribes of the Israelites, and
they had not suffered exile since God had decreed exile on the Children of
Israel.’°° This is the reason that the Messenger of God exiled them, for if God
had not decreed exile against them, then He would have chastised them in this
world, as was the fate of the Qurayzah clan.’” Thus, God revealed:

«Everything in the heavens and earth glorifies God; He is the
Almighty, the Wise. It was He who drove those People of the Book
from their homes at the first banishment—you believers never
thought they would go, and they themselves thought their forti-
fications would protect them against God. God came upon them
from where they least expected and put panic into their hearts:
their homes were destroyed by their own hands and the hands of
the believers. Learn from all this, those of you with insight! If God
had not decreed exile for them, He would have chastised them in
this world. In the Hereafter, they will have the chastisement of
Hellfire, because they set themselves against God and his Mes-
senger: God is stern in punishment toward anyone who sets him-

self against Him. Whatever you believers may have done to their

v\ & 71

6.2.3

ver

jell Bs
Je Ae Sb KGa JS leteslle es) nies
‘\g- ets oe lets orld Lait] hes ade ail de stl sb Jb
les Boe ae sha Hy Jed eo jele Ga3 US Lai le)

Ni USS ory Gel Jeers Silas
ctl elles te ite tS be ale atl fe gel ES
med dl ol Died! Je all oe > set leophy Fe pe Y LL ro
Gp OLL pally < pnedaliegaly <gCU AES
AEWA pKel> Ss pagislan nb Tole plu Ste . ge

BY ep net ir Ose JY OU pat audst Al cath | -
ed) 4 Jee GLYN SLI} il Jy rect oy 425 9 Se
ais 4 Midbng Zt 6S II3) Ge CY nels ete oy oly
AEM NSD ce pels 4g li Be py

Agalal igs EIS ¥ wey of (pt Mable tae [lyre ed]

vv 72

The Incident Concerning the Clan of al-Nadir

palm trees—cutting them down or leaving them standing on their
roots—was done by God’s leave, so that he might disgrace those
who defied Him. God turned their possessions over to His Messen-
ger as spoils; spoils that you believers did not even have to spur on
your horses or camels to acquire. God gives authority to His mes-

sengers over whomever He will: God has power over all things.» '°*

The date palms of the Nadir clan became the reserve of the Messenger of God,
for God had given them to him and favored him thereby.’°* Thus He addressed
the believers: «God turned their possessions over to His Messenger as spoils;
spoils that you believers did not even have to spur on your horses or camels to
acquire»,'°* meaning that it was accomplished without killing.

The Prophet gave most of the spoils to the Emigrants. He divided the spoils
between them and also portioned out some to two men from the Allies who
were in need, but no other Ally besides those two received any portion thereof.
The remainder of the spoils was set aside as the charitable trust of God’s Mes-
senger, now in the hands of his daughter Fatimah’s descendants.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, who said: someone who heard ‘Ikrimah
informed me, saying:

The Prophet remained in Mecca for fifteen years.'°* For four or five of those
years, hesummoned people to Islam in secret—for he feared for his safety—until
God sent His word against those men concerning whom He revealed, «We are
enough for you against all those who ridicule your message» and «Those who
make out the Qur’an to be sorcery, “din»’°°—in the language of the Quraysh
the word ‘idin means “sorcery,” and thus a “sorcerer” is called a Gdiyah. God
then issued the command to oppose them and decreed, «So proclaim openly
what you have been commanded and ignore the idolaters.»'°’

Afterward, God issued the command for them to leave for Medina. The
Prophet arrived on the ninth of the month of Rabi‘ I.'°° Then the incident
at Badr occurred, concerning which God revealed: «Remember how God
promised you believers that one of the groups would fall to you»,'°’ and con-
cerning which he revealed: «Their forces will be routed.»"® He also revealed
concerning them: «When we bring our punishment on those corrupted with
wealth»; and also: «And in order to cut off the flanks of the disbelievers’
army», as well as: «The matter is not for you, Prophet, to decide.»"* God
sought to defeat the army, but the Messenger of God sought the caravan.'?

vy & 73

6.3

jealll gs ey

ship LU pds vat fey ade ath Jor al Spay ably pl ail
Capinle Adal Alp oy pees EWS CORGe el
ie : Ip all Oke Ge Geil 13.4635» aly meds - 4)
alg feel ded SEs

Feet Bey Bie ye hy POG oy Jal G hoe
te ley 9 Aad | ue eyvclan ip pg Fol oe
gad pelle GMB le S28 Je fey ale il oe ll ahh
ok “gl plal ets Sa ple path « it aly aye toy
mel BN Sd ly yd Gall ne aed ii 4 pid diyhly
(F fey ae al Joo al cg ol ally. 4 Splkoatplil gates Mlith
oF pelle ory Lay bas) Bj or ads Jeb al 4 Wael VSL
isIE gl» ail 2 Gipoo UCL neds abba eS S.
Jl cof Bll Ut AS ee Of ial
¢ Sal pl bey ae al Jo ail Jon & PES W AE * dew
PurSslevbs Bor ar woeuie
"6. fey ade atl fro atl Se be

al x .biEGet

ve 74

The Incident Concerning the Clan of al-Nadir

Concerning them, God revealed: «Do you not see those who, in exchange
for God’s favor, offer only ingratitude?»,"* and He revealed: «Consider those
people who abandoned their homes . . .»"* Also, He revealed concerning
them: «You have already seen a sign in the two armies that met in battle.»""°
On the matter of the caravan, He revealed: «the caravan was below you»"”
because they had entered the lowest part of the valley.

All of these verses relate to the combatants at Badr. Two months before
Badr, there was a raid—it was the day on which al-Hadrami was slain."* Then
there was the battle of Uhud, then the Battle of the United Clans took place
two years after Uhud. Then there was al-Hudaybiyah—the Day of the Tree—
when the Prophet agreed to a treaty stipulating that he would undertake a
lesser pilgrimage on the same month of the following year. On this matter, God
revealed: «A sacred month for a sacred month,» that is, the month in the first
year was exchanged for that of the second year and «violation of sanctity calls
for fair retribution.»"? The conquest of Mecca followed the lesser pilgrimage,
concerning which God revealed: «Until We open a gate to severe torment for
them—then they will be plunged into despair.»° That is because the Prophet
raided them, but they had sufficiently prepared for battle. Of the Quraysh, four
persons were killed and of their allies from the Bakr clan, at least fifty or more.
Once they embraced God’s religion, He revealed concerning them: «It is God
who endowed you with hearing and sight.»’* Then, twenty nights later, the
Prophet set off for Hunayn, then went to Taif, and finally returned to Medina,
whence he ordered Abi Bakr to lead the hajj. The Prophet undertook the
hajj himself the following year, after which he delivered his farewell sermon.
He returned to Medina, where he passed away on the third day of the month
of Rabi‘ I.” Also, when Abi Bakr had returned from the hajj, the Messenger
of God raided Tabuk.’”

vo @& 75

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abl ett yy Gil PHI Gl yallas JA Bide
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Pris Ks pa ldo Vol Aye A dL aleel Lage bey ae ail

Lelgh se Ot Pye tkbl Call ry lapie tag 1 ob pee |

vt 76

The Incident at Uhud’”*

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri who, in his narra-
tion from ‘Urwah, said:
The incident at Uhud was in the month of Shawwal, six months after the

incident involving the clan of al-Nadir.’7°

Al-Zuhri, on the authority of “‘Urwah, said concerning God’s decree «you disobeyed once
He had brought you within sight of your goal» :'7°

On the day of the Battle of Uhud, when Abi Sufyan and the infidel Quraysh
attacked, the Prophet said, “I had a vision that I donned an impenetrable coat
of armor, which I surmise must be Medina. Remain, therefore, in your stately
houses and fight from within their walls.” Now Medina was a maze of build-
ings, making it like a fortress. One of the men who had not fought at Badr said,
“O Messenger of God! March us out to them so that we may engage them in
battle!” ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy ibn Saldl said, “I agree, by God, O Prophet of
God! Truly I don’t see it so. I swear by God that no enemy has ever visited
defeat upon us when we have met them in open battle unless some evil had
befallen us. Nor have we ever remained in Medina and fought from behind its
walls without meeting defeat at the hands of our enemies.”

A number of other Muslims spoke to him, saying, “We agree, O Messen-
ger of God! March us out against them.” So the Prophet called for his armor.
When he had donned it, he said, “I suspect the number of the fallen will be
great on both sides. While asleep, I had a vision of a slaughtered animal—
a cow, I’d say. By God, this omen is a boon.”””” A man replied, “O Messen-
ger of God, I would sacrifice the life of my mother and father for you! Please
remain here with us.” He continued, “It does not behoove a prophet, once he
has donned his armor, to remove it until he has faced the trial. Are there men
nearby who might lead the way to the enemy?” The guides then set off and led
him to al-Shawt of al-Jabbanah. ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy remained behind with
fully a third of the army, or nearly a third.’’* The Prophet continued onward

and eventually encountered the Meccans at Uhud, where the Muslims

VW = & 77

7.1

ibe

Fee

shaue
do | 4385

bref Lise l Lesley bey ale atl Le all pats lye ill
capil aS gl oy Ab ahd Jes OF ll yal ail JBC pede age ail
Sen ty OS Ht Te peel ‘Shes iter call on 5
Le je sige Jel Olea! Cle & des G35 bey ale ail be aul

Me gy SI6
Billys yp ade Cig bey ale ail Le ill Gey IS
Gl GL seb Vey ade al Jee abl Sper) ee el Gp Goold
Gold ag, aleel, bey ade ail Joe cathy (Sal al cS!
lyedey Jey ade ade ail je il Sau Llee| yan J be Sling!
OB fl yaw 9s ge lie gl Ss dlr By pers
(f Se be Jol olan gl SB: é tell, lb SF F bls
Ys 6 Ste yy fe JS se Cal Ste Joly Jel al Olea g,

F BLES ad Olan yl Sts Ul G Sti ALI Gg bee I Ga

AS Mey wel G alee bey ale ail Se ial Gris gurl I pail
SAS oT GL HAAS SEGA S abl SB yo LS, cogeue oy, all
« Silasance ty sp ae

gs La Cuasil e¢ \

VA 78

The Incident at Uhud

arrayed themselves in battle ranks to face them. The Prophet had sworn to
his companions that, if the Meccans were to defeat them, no army would cap-
ture or pursue them. When the two forces met, the Meccans defeated them.
The Muslims disobeyed the Prophet, and they fought and quarreled among
themselves. Thus God removed his favor from them to try them—as God
had decreed. The Pagans charged, with Khalid ibn al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah
leading their cavalry, and seventy men from the Muslim side were slain and
many severely wounded. One of the Messenger of God’s teeth’”” was broken,
and his face was bruised, prompting Satan to cry out in his loudest voice,

“Muhammad has been slain!”

Kab ibn Malik said:

I was the first to find the Prophet. I recognized his eyes through his coif of
chainmail, so I cried out as loud as I could, “This is the Messenger of God!”
but he signaled for me to be quiet. God soon caused the Pagans to relent, and
the Prophet and his companions ceased fighting. Then Abu Sufyan cried out
to them, for the corpses of a number of the slain among the Prophet’s com-
panions had been mutilated—their limbs had been severed from their corpses,
and one of them had had his chest rent.*° Abi Sufyan called out, “You are
certain to find among your slain some whose corpses have been mutilated.
That was not done with the consent either of our men of esteemed judgment
or of our nobles. May Hubal be exalted!” “God is most exalted and most glori-
ous!” retorted ‘Umar, but Abi Sufyan persisted: “What a wondrous deed you
have wrought—the slain a recompense for the slain of Badr!” Again ‘Umar
retorted, “The slain are not equal! Our slain are in Paradise, but your slain are
in Hellfire!” “Then surely our hope is for naught,” Abu Sufyan responded, and
then they withdrew and returned to Mecca.

The Prophet assigned a group of his companions to pursue the Meccans,
and eventually they reached the area near Hamra’ al-Asad. Among those who
pursued the Meccans that day was ‘Abd Allah ibn Mas‘id. That was at the time
God decreed:

«Those whose faith only increased when people said, “Fear your
enemy: they have amassed a great army against you,” and who

replied, “God is enough for us: He is the best protector.” »"*"

va & 79

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AS ey al oy Apo pore ell

The Incident at Uhud

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri according to his 7.4
narrative:

When the Messenger of God entered the mosque, he enjoined the Muslims
to pursue the infidels. They heeded his summons and pursued them for most of
the day. Afterward the Messenger of God returned with them to Medina, and
God revealed: «Those who responded to God and the Messenger after they
suffered defeat» '”

‘Abd al-Razzaq had related to us’ that, though the Messenger of God’s face 7.5
was struck with seventy blows of the sword on that day, God prevented every

single blow from harming him.

AN & 81

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AN 82

The Incident Involving the United Clans
and the Qurayzah Clan'*

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri:

The incident involving the United Clans, which is the Battle of the Trench,
took place two years after the incident at Uhud.’** The Messenger of God had
taken command over the Medinese side, and that day Abi Sufyan led the
Pagans. They besieged the Messenger of God and his companions for over
ten days until despair overtook every Medinese, at which point the Prophet—
according to what Ibn al-Musayyab reported to me—said, “O Lord! I implore
You to stay true to Your pledge and covenant—unless, O Lord, You truly do not
wish to be worshipped!”

While they were swept up in these events, the Prophet sent a message to
“‘Uyaynah ibn Hisn ibn Badr al-Fazari, who in those days was the leader of the
Pagans of the Ghatafan tribe and on the side of Aba Sufyan. “If I were to offer
you a third of the Allies’ harvest, would you return, along with all those who
are with you from Ghatafan, and dissuade the united clans from fighting?”
‘Uyaynah sent back a message to him, responding, “If you hand half of the
harvest over to me, I shall do so.” The Prophet then sent a message to Sa‘d
ibn Mu‘adh, who was the chieftain of the Aws, and also to Sa‘d ibn ‘Ubadah,

“ec

who was the chieftain of the Khazraj. He said to them, “‘Uyaynah ibn Hisn has
demanded half of your harvest as a condition for withdrawing with his allies
from Ghatafan and dissuading the united clans from fighting. I had already
offered him a third, but he refused to accept anything but half the harvest.
How do you two see the matter?” “O Messenger of God!” the two replied.
“If you have been commanded by God to do a thing, then let God’s decree be
fulfilled!” The Messenger of God retorted, “Had I been commanded by God to
do a thing, then I wouldn’t have sought your consent. Rather, this is my own
opinion I present to you.” They replied, “Indeed, then, our view is that we shall
grant him nothing but the sword.” And the Prophet answered, “So then, the

matter is settled.”

YY & ~~ 83

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At 84

The Incident Involving the United Clans and the Qurayzah Clan

Ma‘mar said: Ibn Abi Najih reported to me that:

The two said to him, “We swear by God, O Messenger of God, that in
the Age of Ignorance ‘Uyaynah ibn Hisn would come by Medina in a year of
drought dragging his sorry ass around here. He couldn’t gain entrance then,
so now, after having been honored by Islam, are we to just hand over the har-

vest to him?”

Al-Zuhri, continuing his report from Ibn al-Musayyab, said:

Meanwhile, Nu‘aym ibn Mas‘tid al-Ashja‘l came to them. His safety had been
guaranteed by both factions, and he was party to a nonaggression pact with
both. Nu‘aym said, “I was in the company of “‘Uyaynah and Abi Sufyan when
the messenger of the Qurayzah tribe came to them, saying, “Be resolute, for
we will take the Muslims unawares from their own safe haven.” The Prophet
replied, “Perhaps we ordered them to do that.” Nu‘aym was not the type of
man to keep secrets, so he divulged what the Prophet had said. Then ‘Umar
came to the Prophet and said, “O Messenger of God, if this be God’s decree,
then let it come to pass, but if it be merely your opinion, then consider this:
The matter of the Quraysh and the Qurayzah clan is too perilous to just take
one person’s advice on the matter!” The Prophet replied, “Let me handle the
man. Bring him back.” They brought Nu‘aym back to the Prophet, who said to
him, “Consider carefully what we have said to you, but do not mention it to
anyone.” However, the Prophet was merely spurring Nu‘aym on.

Nu‘aym then departed, and when he came to ‘Uyaynah and Abi Sufyan, he
asked them, “Have you ever heard Muhammad say anything that wasn’t true?”
“No,” they answered, and he continued, “Indeed, when I myself mentioned
the affair of the Qurayzah clan to him, he said, ‘Perhaps we ordered them to
do that.

Abt Sufyan responded, “We must know for sure whether this is a
ploy.” So he sent a message to the Qurayzah clan: “You have ordered us to
remain resolute, claiming that you will take the Muslims unawares from their
safe haven. Give us, then, a guarantee of that.” They replied, “The night of the
Sabbath has come upon us, and we do not attend to any affair on the Sabbath.”
Abu Sufyan exclaimed, “You all have been duped by the Qurayzah’s gambit.
Now ride off!” God then sent the tempest against them. Casting fear into their
hearts, he extinguished the blaze of their fires and broke the halter of their
steeds. Thus they fled, vanquished without battle.

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AN 86

The Incident Involving the United Clans and the Qurayzah Clan

That is when God decreed: «God spared the believers from fighting. He is
strong and mighty.» °°

The Prophet dispatched his companions to pursue them, and they pur-
sued them as far as Hamra’ al-Asad, after which they returned to Medina. The
Prophet then removed his armor, performed his ablutions, and perfumed
himself.’ But Gabriel called out to Muhammad, “Who has excused you
from battle? Did I not just see you remove your armor? We angels have yet to
remove ours!” Anxiously, the Prophet stood up and said to his companions,
“T bid you not to pray the late-afternoon prayer until we get to the Qurayzah
clan.” The sun had set before they were able to reach them,”* so a group of the
Muslims said, “The Prophet would not want you to neglect the prayer,” and
they prayed. Another group of the Muslims said, “We are following the bid-
ding of God’s Messenger, so nothing ill will befall us.” Thus one group prayed,
full of faith and seeking God’s reward, and the other neglected the prayer, also
full of faith and seeking God’s reward. The Prophet, accordingly, did not deal
harshly with either group.

The Prophet set out and passed by some of the places that lay between him
and the Qurayzah clan where the people would assemble to meet. “Has anyone
passed by you?” he asked. “Yes,” said one of them, “Dihyah al-Kalbi passed by
riding on a gray she-mule, seated atop a velvet brocade.” The Prophet replied,
“That wasn’t he. Rather, it was Gabriel, who has been sent to the Qurayzah
clan to cause their fortresses to quake and cast terror into their hearts.”
The Prophet then laid siege to the Qurayzah clan, and when the Prophet’s
companions arrived, he ordered them to cover him with their shield, lest he
be pelted by rocks, so that he could hear what the Qurayzah had to say. Then
the Prophet cried out, “You brethren of monkeys and pigs!”"° They replied,
“You didn’t used to be so obscene, Abt 1-Qasim!” The Prophet called on
them to embrace Islam before waging battle against them, but they refused
to answer his call. Then God’s Messenger and those Muslims who were with
him fought the Qurayzah until they agreed to surrender to the judgment of
Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh, for they had refused to surrender to the judgment of God’s
Messenger. Thus they surrendered themselves over to a woeful end. The Mus-
lims brought forward the Qurayzah clan while Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh was bound like
a captive atop a jenny ass.'*° Eventually they reached God’s Messenger, where-
upon the Qurayzah started to remind those present of the pact made with
their tribe. Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh started to look to God’s Messenger, hoping for a

AV & O87

8.3.2

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AN 88

The Incident Involving the United Clans and the Qurayzah Clan

command from him and trying to discern what the Prophet wished his judg-
ment to be. The Messenger of God answered him, as though wishing Sa‘d to
say, “Will you confirm whatever judgement I give?” Just as the Prophet began
to answer “Yes,” Sa‘d decreed, “Indeed, I rule that your fighting men are to
be killed, your possessions plundered, and your women and children taken as
captives.” The Prophet then decreed, “The judgment is just.”

Huyayy ibn Akhtab had been mustering the Pagans into an army against the
Messenger of God. He went to the Qurayzah clan at night, asking them to allow
him to enter their quarters. But the chief of their clan said, “This man’s coming
is ominous. Do not allow Huyayy to bring calamity to you.” Then Huyayy cried
out to them, “O Sons of Qurayzah! Will you not answer me? Will you not come
out to meet me? Will you not admit me as your guest? Iam hungry and cold!”
The Qurayzah clan said, “By God, we must open our doors to him.” Soon they
opened their doors to him, and when he entered he beguiled them. Huyayy
exclaimed, “Sons of Qurayzah, I have come to you in the nick of time! I come
to you with a mighty hailstorm, and nothing can stand in its way!” Their chief-
tain replied to him, “Can you promise that this hailstorm will spare us; that
you will leave us next to a calm ocean and not abandon us? On the contrary,
all you promise is folly.”

Huyayy gave his word to the Qurayzah clan and made a covenant with
them to the effect that if the groups of the united clans dispersed, he would
return to join them in their stronghold. When they followed him, they did
so in perfidy against the Prophet and the Muslims. Once God had dispersed
those who had amassed from the united tribes, Huyayy fled as far as al-Rawha’.
He remembered the pact and covenant he had given them, and he returned
to join them in their stronghold. When the Qurayzah clan were brought forth
to be executed, Huyayy also was brought forth, his hands tied with a single
leather strap. Huyayy addressed the Prophet: “I swear by God that I do not
reproach myself for having opposed you, but he who forsakes God shall him-
self be forsaken!” The Prophet issued the command to execute him, and his

head was severed from his neck.

AN & 89

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The Incident at Khaybar‘”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said:
When God’s Messenger turned away from al-Hudaybiyah to return to
Medina, he undertook the raid against Khaybar. Concerning this, God

revealed:

«He has promised you many future gains: He has hastened this
gain for you. He has held back the hands of hostile people from you
as a sign for the faithful and He will guide you to a straight path. »"*

When the Prophet conquered Khaybar, he gave its spoils to those who had
undertaken the expedition to al-Hudaybiyah with him and those who had
given the oath of fealty under the tree,'** whether they had personally wit-
nessed the triumph over Khaybar or had been absent, for God had promised it
to them. The Messenger of God took the fifth portion from Khaybar, which was

145

his right,*° and then divided the rest as spoils among those Muslims who had
witnessed the triumph in Khaybar and the rest of the people of al-Hudaybiyah
who had not. However, neither God’s Messenger nor his companions had

anyone able to manage Khaybar or cultivate its lands.

Al-Zuhri said: Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyab related to me that:

The Messenger of God summoned the Jews of Khaybar, who had been
forced to abandon the oasis and had left, and he handed the settlement back
over to them on the condition that they would administer its lands and deliver
half its produce to God’s Messenger and his companions. The Messenger of
God said to them, “The decision I have given you accords with what God has
decided.” God’s Messenger used to send the Ally ‘Abd Allah ibn Rawahah to
them, and he would appraise the yield of the date palms for them when their
first fruits would begin to show signs of ripening and before anything had been
eaten. Then he would give the Jews the choice of whether to accept their share
on the basis of that appraisal or dispute it.

4 & 91

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AN 92

The Incident at Khaybar

Al-Zuhri said: After these events, the Messenger of God undertook a minor- 9.3
pilgrimage in the month of Dhi |-Qadah,“° while the armistice between him
and the Quraysh was still in effect. The Quraysh left Mecca to God’s Messen-
ger and appointed Huwaytib ibn ‘Abd al-‘Uzza al-Qurashi al-‘Adawi as their
deputy. They stipulated that, if the Messenger of God were to circle around
the Kaaba for more than three days, Huwaytib would approach him and order
him to leave.’*” Such was the pact God’s Messenger had concluded with the
Quraysh: that he would abide for three days circling around the Sacred House.
Huwaytib approached God’s Messenger after the three days had passed and
discussed the matter of the departure with him. The Messenger of God then
departed in his caravan, heading for Medina. Afterward, the Messenger of God
undertook the Expedition of the Triumph; that is, the triumph over Mecca.

Al-Zuhri said: “Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn “Utbah reported to me, on the authority of 9.4
Ibn ‘Abbas:

The Prophet left Medina during the month of Ramadan alongside ten thou-
sand Muslims—this was just after eight and a half years had passed since his
arrival in Medina. He marched with the Muslims to Mecca. He fasted and they
fasted until they had reached al-Kadid, a water source that lies between “Usfan
and Qudayd. There he broke his fast, as did the Muslims who were with him,
and they did not fast for the remainder of Ramadan.

Al-Zuhri commented: Ceasing the fast was the latter of the two commands;
hence, one should observe the later command of the Messenger of God and
leave aside the prior.

He continued: The Messenger of God’s triumph over Mecca was achieved
on the night of the thirteenth of Ramadan.'*

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Nt 94

The Expedition of the Triumph’?

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of ‘Uthman al-Jazari—Ma‘mar
commented that “‘Uthman al-Jazari was also known as “the eyewitness” (al-mushahid)—on
the authority of Miqsam, the slave-client of Ibn ‘Abbas, who said:

During the two-year period of the Messenger of God’s truce with the
Quraysh at al-Hudaybiyah, it is said that there was a war between the Bakr
clan, allied with the Quraysh, and the Khuza‘ah clan, allied with God’s Messen-
ger. Now, the Quraysh provided aid to their allies against Khuza‘ah, and when
word of this reached the Messenger of God, he said, “By Him in Whose hands
my soul resides, I will surely deny them what I and my household have been
denied!” He then began making preparations for war against the Quraysh.
Word of this reached the Quraysh, and they said to Abi Sufyan, “What are
you going to do? These armies are preparing to march against us! Leave now
and renew the treaty between us and Muhammad!” That was during his return
from Syria.'*°

Abu Sufyan proceeded onward and eventually came to Medina. Addressing
God’s Messenger, he said, “Come now, let’s renew the treaty between you and
us.” But the Prophet replied, “We're still bound by the agreement from before.
Have you Quraysh committed any infraction?” “No,” answered Abu Sufyan,
so the Prophet continued, “Then we will continue to observe that agreement.”
‘Ali ibn Abi Talib came, and Abu Sufyan said, “Wouldn’t you like to be lord
over the Arabs and, in a gracious gesture toward your tribe, grant them sanc-
tuary and renew the treaty with them?” ‘Ali replied, “Far be it from me to act
contrary to God’s Messenger in a matter.” Then Abi Sufyan went in to see
Fatimah and said, “Wouldn’t you like to be finest lamb of the Arabs and offer
sanctuary among your people? Indeed, your sister protected her husband,
Abi al-‘As ibn al-Rabi‘, from God’s Messenger, and that was not overruled.”
Fatimah replied, “Far be it from me to act contrary to God’s Messenger in a
matter.” Then he said the same to al-Hasan and al-Husayn: “Grant sanctuary
among the people—just say, “Yes’!” But they said nothing. Looking to their

40 @& 95

10.1

10.1.1

10.1.2

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cane gall jae OTL & Caja, fey ate ail Lo al Seu EAS
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Ope pds Sh Ugh Jam Kall Joo WE opted op bd ayad
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lade by Joab arte J

CULL! 5 ty pal oo SES yas dey ade atl Le Ell UL ous
Olan gl Its Le Wale ee bey ale ail Le igll jab all ae
SEA eel US

Nye all ale oy fF Sle

an 96

The Expedition of the Triumph

mother, they said, “We stand by what our mother says.” Thus Aba Sufyan
gained nothing he sought from any of them.

Abu Sufyan left and eventually came back to the Quraysh, who asked,
“What have you brought?” He answered, “I’ve come to you from a people of
one mind and one heart. By God, whether young or old, male or female, I left
none of them be until I had spoken with them, but I gained nothing from them.”
“You've done nothing! Go back!” they exclaimed, so Abu Sufyan headed back.

The Messenger of God set out from Medina heading for the Quraysh.
When he had reached a certain point along the way, he said to a group of the
Allies, “Search for Aba Sufyan, and you will find him.” They searched for him,
and indeed they found him. When Abt Sufyan entered the encampment,
the Muslims rushed forward to strike him, but he cried out, “Muhammad!
I am already a dead man! Order them to hand me to al-‘Abbas!” For indeed,
al-‘Abbas had been his comrade and friend during the Age of Ignorance. So
the Prophet commanded that he be handed over to al-‘Abbas, and Aba Sufyan
spent the night with him.

When the time for the morning prayer arrived, the muezzin gave the call
to prayer and the people began to stir. Abi Sufyan thought that they were
coming after him and said, “Abbas, what are these people doing?”

“They've merely begun to stir and answer the crier’s call to prayer,” he
answered.

“All the people are stirring just because of Muhammad’s crier?”

“Yes,” answered al-‘Abbas.

Then al-‘Abbas stood up for the prayer, and Aba Sufyan stood alongside
him. When they had finished, he asked, “‘Abbas, whenever Muhammad does
something, do they do likewise?”

“Yes,” he answered, “and if he were to command them to go hungry and
thirsty until they died of starvation, they would do it. Indeed, I believe they
will destroy your people tomorrow.”

Abi Sufyan pleaded, “Take us to see him!”

He went in to see the Prophet, who was under a domed canopy of leather.
Now ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab was behind the canopy, and as the Prophet began to
explain Islam to him, Abi Sufyan said, “What shall I do with al-‘Uzza?”

“Take a shit on her!” ‘Umar exclaimed from behind the canopy.

AV & 97

10.1.3

10.1.4

saligh
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Psy
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4S Gp bd fed ol colbl agli
orld Obie Gh lo Joo ye dey ae al Le gl St
Sol SGylal GLan gl Ses Jb
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spl gg ab ade
oa yan tll oe GB. y Bl aes O63 See ae
gdh a ip &
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gal aal fe eld yg, aul le Slee
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Ap jai ly bes

ake BAF Tle poll Bete b ce hin gl Sts

vane SNe TY sap ake OB Gob BG fe GAIL Ghhil # Jb

Wea Lyall

NA 98

The Expedition of the Triumph

“And on your father, you vulgar man!” Aba Sufyan retorted. “I did not
come to you, Ibn al-Khattab; rather, I came to my cousin, and it is he whom
I address!”

“O Messenger of God!” al-‘Abbas interjected. “Indeed, Abi Sufyan is one
of the notables of our tribe, one of its elders. It would please me if you were to
grant him something in recognition of his status.”

The Prophet then decreed, “Whoever enters the house of Abt Sufyan is safe.”

Abit Sufyan replied, “My house? My house!”

“Yes,” answered the Prophet, “and whoever lays down his weapons is safe;
and whoever locks the door to his house is safe.”

Abu Sufyan left with al-‘Abbas, and while they were going down the road,
al-‘Abbas feared that Aba Sufyan might still commit some act of treachery,
so he sat him down on a mound of earth until the armies had passed.

A troop of fighting men passed by, and Abt Sufyan asked, “Who are these
men, ‘Abbas?”

“That is al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam commanding the right flank,” al-‘Abbas
answered.

Another troop passed by, and Abi Sufyan asked, “Who are these men,
‘Abbas?”

“They are the Quda‘ah tribe,” he answered, “and it is Aba ‘Ubaydah ibn
al-Jarrah who leads them.”

Yet another troop passed by, and Abi Sufyan asked, “Who are these men,
‘Abbas?”

“That is Khalid ibn al-Walid commanding the left flank,” he answered.

Then there passed by him a company of men marching in iron armor, and
he asked, “Who are these men, ‘Abbas, who are like blackened lava strewn
across the desert?”

“These are the Allies,” he answered, “and they march with the Red Death."
In their midst is God’s Messenger, and the Allies surround him.”

Abu Sufyan exclaimed, “March on, ‘Abbas, for never before today have I

seen a people so ready for war and so arrayed in their tribes!”!*”

10.1.5

Abu Sufyan left after that, and when he could look out over Mecca, he cried 10.1.6

out using the war cry of the Quraysh, “O Victorious People! Surrender as
Muslims, that you may be saved!”

His wife Hind then came out to join him, but grabbing hold of his beard,
cried out, “O Victorious People! Kill the old fool! He’s abandoned his religion!”

4, & 99

paltap
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Ve us

a Ge bsea dl yl EK fboseaeghosite JE

Ones mela fey ale al Jo oll Us ade lk pels sya
Delage Gel Y BL aly pet yy 2 Cato pall

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GN pb LSE Ae SL S yo lA VOLE Sts SL
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JG of tele G atl Wel Gl, Jalal eg Dae te

ork Vadl Syany b cael : Sas Tol ob le OF ole ¢ Jb
Sqey b aol Sts Calole ae eel eee eee
Kaa BBY Sly ce Larglad dhey ale ail uo ail Spay Sts Lal
Coll BL IB Sal Sys b BL cazaagl AG Lai oy Jey Sts ale
Gasalals -yasy,

ot Sa sighy, Ale bey le al Joe ail Jy od Sal Jb

se ail Lo dldnn sl f- Al pita GK Seal 23 Gybe or
Vee Gay chy ALA gall gues pee Bibs

The Expedition of the Triumph

Abu Sufyan replied, “I swear by the One in Whose hand my soul resides,
you will be a Muslim or have your head severed from your neck!”

When the Prophet was able to look out over Mecca, he commanded that
none should enter it until al-‘Abbas’s envoy had returned to him.’** When the
wait became long, the Prophet said, “Perhaps they have done to al-‘Abbas
what the Thaqif tribe did to ‘Urwah ibn Mas‘id.’™ If such be the case, I swear
by God, not one of them will be spared.”

Soon thereafter, al-‘Abbas’s envoy arrived, and the Messenger of God
entered Mecca, ordering his companions not to attack. They kept their weap-
ons undrawn, save for the Khiza‘ah clan, who fought against the Bakr clan for
a brief time,’** but then he commanded them to desist, so they did so. The
Prophet gave all the people sanctuary except for Ibn Abi Sarh, Ibn Khatal,
Migqyas al-Kinani, and a woman.’” Later the Prophet said, “It is not I who has
made Mecca sacred; rather, it is God who sanctified it. Its conquest has been
permitted to no man before me, and will not be permitted to any man after me
until the Day of Resurrection; and God has only made its conquest licit to me
for a single hour before the dawn.”

Afterward “Uthman ibn ‘Affan came to the Prophet, pleading on behalf of
Ibn Abi Sarh. “Spare him!” he said, but the Prophet turned from him. ‘Uthman
came to him from the other side, saying, “Spare him, O Messenger of God!”
The Messenger of God said, “I had turned away from him, suspecting that one
of you would kill him.” One of the Allies’ men said, “Did I not see you wink at
me, O Messenger of God?” “The Prophet does not wink,” he replied, as though
he regarded him as guilty of betrayal.

Al-Zuhri said: The Messenger of God sent Khalid ibn al-Walid out to battle
and, with the Muslims by his side, he fought several ranks of the Quraysh in
the lower plains of Mecca until God brought them low. The Messenger of God
issued the command, and he relented in his attack against them. Thus they
embraced the true religion, and God revealed:

«When God’s help comes and the Triumph, when you see
people embracing God’s faith in crowds, celebrate the praise of
your Lord and ask His forgiveness: He is always ready to accept

repentance.» '*”

\<\ & 101

10.1.7

10.1.8

siligg
Ye\- Sap! SB sat JS
bel z) BE Bs. oe
Seay Sell oy aay ole 93 ILL 8 als eos ee YEA
WsCBE CS nell age (ele deny Tall els ad mets Swe
tll fe rt Oy 56 tal, Peal Gal ie
AN 4 8559, Sie GaNG ip ail Sy

Ye\s al Jb a Jb
day ANN ale Lm I pail, bey ade abl ro atl Syn 08

ba le ot oF gal oy wll ge GIL ue

The Expedition of the Triumph

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: 10.2
Afterward the Messenger of God, alongside those Quraysh who went with

him—that is, the Kinanah clan—and those who had embraced Islam on the

Day of Triumph, returned to Medina before the events at Hunayn. Hunayn

is a wadi lying in the direction of Taif, and has many sources of water. There

on the day of the battle were the Pagans from the rear of the Hawazin tribe,’**

and the Thaqif tribe was also with them. The leader of the Pagans that day

was Malik ibn ‘Awf al-Nasri. They fought a battle at Hunayn, and God gave

the victory to His Prophet and the Muslims. It was a trying day for the people,

so God revealed:

«God has helped you on many battlefields, even on the day of the
Battle of Hunayn. You were well pleased with your large numbers,
but they were of no use to you: the earth seemed to close in on you

despite its spaciousness, and you turned tail and fled. »’*

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: 10.3
The Prophet had already begun to cause their hearts to turn;’® that is the
reason he sent Khalid ibn al-Walid out to battle on that day.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Malik ibn Anas, on the authority of Ibn Shihab: 10.4
When the Messenger of God entered Mecca on the Day of Triumph, he

wore a coat of mail.’

\¥ & 103

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isle - Ely val Jb. TS ioacae o fey ale ath Lo al Jy eo Sat
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Edi JB AS Sy 5 |e Jb ¢ NS ops Se ep ole
ai Spay Aly SIL yah ailp JE GIL ah Jo Seal bb Js
wep ele Pak SUS Ale Glad lt ales by ale atl Lo

The Incident at Hunayn

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said: Kathir
ibn al-‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib reported to me on the authority of his father, al-‘Abbas,
who said:

I witnessed the battle of Hunayn alongside the Messenger of God. Indeed,
I saw the Prophet himself, for the only ones with him were Abu Sufyan ibn
al-Harith ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib and I. We stayed close to the Messenger of God
and never left his side. He was mounted on a gray she-mule—or perhaps,
Ma‘mar said, a white one—which Farwah ibn Nufathah al-Judhami had given
him as a gift. When the Muslims and infidels met in battle, the Muslims turned
in retreat, but then the Prophet started to lead a charge with his mule in the
direction of the infidels.

Al-‘Abbas said: I was the one holding fast to the reins of the Messenger
of God’s she-mule, trying to turn her away, and Abt Sufyan held fast to his
leather stirrup,’ but nothing could stop the Prophet from rushing toward
the Pagans. Then the Prophet said, “‘Abbas! Cry out to the companions of
the acacia tree!”!°? Now I was a man with a booming voice, and I cried out as
loudly as I could, “Where are the companions of the acacia tree?” By God, I let
loose a long bellow like a cow for her calves, and when they heard my voice,
they cried out, “At your command! At your command! At your command!”
And when the Muslims drew near, they fought fiercely, they and the infidels.

rag

The Allies cried out, saying, “O company of Allies!” Then the men giving the
summons singled out the al-Harith ibn al-Khazraj clan and cried out, “O sons
of al-Harith ibn al-Khazraj!” God’s Messenger, standing high in the saddle on
his she-mule, surveyed the battle and said, “Now the furnace’™ is ablaze!”
Then God’s Messenger grabbed a handful of small stones and cast them into
the faces of infidels, whereupon he said, “By the Lord of the Kaaba, they have
been vanquished!” I went to look and lo, the battle had been decided, at least
as far as I could tell, and by God, it was decided when the Messenger of God
cast the small stones against them. I can still see them at the limits of their

endurance, when the Prophet ordered the Muslims to withdraw so that God

yo = =©& = 105

11.1

2:
74 2 See
> 299

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SBE dala le ail fe gb Gl!
pine 8 6h nes ae ye os Vip Sle SB ode Lal
él! oe ya7 ol J) 8 Gb GL> Vb Ire Sp Vy HLA ye

The Incident at Hunayn

Most High would vanquish the infidels. It is as if I can still see the Prophet
riding behind them on that she-mule of his.

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Azhar reported that:

Khalid ibn al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah led the cavalry, the cavalry of God’s
Messenger, that day.

Ibn Azhar said: After God had vanquished the infidels and the Muslims
returned to their mounts, I saw the Prophet walking among the Muslims saying,
“Who will show me the way to Khalid ibn al-Walid’s mount? So I walked,’ —
or, he said, I strode—“in front of the Prophet, and at the time I was a young
man who had just reached maturity, saying, “Who will show the way to Khilid’s
mount?’ And eventually we were shown the way to him. There Khalid stood
leaning against the rear of his mount, and the Messenger of God went to him

and tended to his wound.”

Al-Zuhri said: Sa‘ld ibn al-Musayyab reported to me that:
On that day the Prophet took six thousand women and children captive,
whom the Messenger of God then handed over to Abt Sufyan ibn Harb.

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr reported to me, saying:

When the Hawazin came back before the Messenger of God, they said,
“You are the most upright and faithful in honoring bonds of kinship, but our
women and those in our care have been taken captive, and our wealth seized.”
The Messenger of God replied, “I patiently bided my time for you, and with
me are those you see. To me, the most preferable speech is the most honest.

» «

So choose one of the two, either the property or the captives.” “O Messenger
of God!” they replied. “As far as we are concerned, if you force us to choose
between property and honor, we shall choose honor.” Or they said, “We esteem
honor above all else.” Thus they chose their women and children.

Then the Prophet rose to address the Muslims. He first glorified God, as
is His due, and then proceeded to say: “As for the matter at hand, these men,
your brethren, have come as Muslims”—or “having surrendered ourselves
(mustaslimin)” —“and we have given them a choice between their offspring

and their property. They regarded nothing as equal to their honor; thus, I have

\'v & = 107

11.2

11.3

11.4

ONS

ANN

sets

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sSekl6 cle dl a be gam Gye Aled BS oye ae

Sl Sl Jb key ade atl Je al Sou} Hd Leb Ogdudl Sas
sal cody (Ab LI ella Iyeigle Sobp ly ab aL L ye ld g ddl
Syd 4d \BSly LS Iya oS pL SI bey ae ah Loe al Spey UI
Ail ee ail Sey bey Potely AALS Oblye UL bey ale cal Le al
cp em op ee KILO ow pap ye Vey Galleel O64 bey ale
Geel Sl yen, ol

Sa} l SM

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wey, Dino es EAly ly ("OG yale Sis bal SL en
Aghal eykdb

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ob SB ce Bae JY GL bey ae ail Jue cl Sts 4 lub
caf 6, sell nai TB pad Sad le eal Hb eit yy od Jal J
phe wade HEME aad oy. ple wads pd FEI Ste OS Gl yay

fo Able Sb ye [a] eye ALL bo [eed Y .¢@ gab. al [ga] \

The Incident at Hunayn

seen it fit for you to return their women and children to them. Whoever wishes
to act so magnanimously, let him do so; and whoever wishes to demand com-
pensation for his share so that we may give him a portion of what God has
granted us as spoils, let him do so.”

The Muslims answered God’s Messenger: “The judgment is good!” The
Prophet then said, “I do not know who has permitted that and who has not, so
command your leaders to convey this information to us.” Once the leaders had
informed the Messenger of God that the people had acquiesced to the agree-
ment and permitted it, God’s Messenger returned the women and children to
the Hawazin clan. God’s Messenger also granted to the women whom he had
given to several Qurashi men the choice between remaining in the household

of those men and returning to their families.

Al-Zuhri said:

I was told that one of the women was in the care of ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn
‘Awf, and when she was presented with the choice, she chose to return to
her family. She left ‘Abd al-Rahman, even though he was smitten with her.
Another woman was in the household of Safwan ibn Umayyah, and she also
chose her family.

Al-Zuhri said: Sa‘td ibn al-Musayyab reported me, saying:

The Messenger of God determined the portion of the spoils due to the Mus-
lims, and then he undertook a minor-pilgrimage from al-Ji‘ranah after he left
in a caravan from Hunayn. After that, he departed for Medina and appointed
Abi Bakr to oversee the hajj that year.

Ma‘mar said, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said: Ka‘b ibn Malik reported to me, saying:

The man called Mula‘ib al-Asinnah, “Lover of Spears,” came to the Prophet
bearing a gift. The Prophet explained Islam to him, but he refused to become
a Muslim. The Prophet said, “I cannot accept the gift of a pagan.” The man
replied, “Then send whomever you wish to the inhabitants of Najd, and I shall
guarantee their safety.” So the Prophet sent a group. Al-Mundhir ibn ‘Amr,
who was called A‘naga Liyamit, “He who Hastens toward Death,” was among
them and so was ‘Amir ibn Fuhayrah. ‘Amir ibn al-Tufayl attempted to muster
an army from the ‘Amir clan to fight against the Muslims, but they refused to

‘4 & 109

11.5

11.6

117

oss Ss
JB RLY Come ya Siply apeder ONUib ple G. Jal yy
S26 el Je on eit all . ple ged mele lel
sageyb iS ol al « Ua Yt Aye Ape yn

all dae Geb Gayl J
fey ale I fo il dB dey ale al Je igll yl ev d
Ip dle B Bnd yy ple Lee lpuill Igbo Ul gil gahy Sal i
429 SOM Gl O98 ade

he gy gal oe yl gail ae g MU Lol SB Jat ge Sl Slane
deere. AK aso Ge ey Sab Jb ay dey pla dl
ASS oy 9 Bi Sey Ages dail

J lle gy, ill pele Gel La Sb
ery Le i gh Je dey bey ale ail fe ail Jp EL
(lll Je gery Ga PSG af oy hell Wie Glee dies fy Ole
fs Olds tees OSs Jey Je peu. dlaall dell ogi G Ayel

The Incident at Hunayn

heed him and refused to violate the pact of Mula‘ib al-Asinnah. So ‘Amir ibn
al-Tufayl sought to muster an army from the Sulaym clan, and they heeded
his call and pursued the Muslims with nearly a hundred archers. They caught
up with the Muslims at Bir Ma‘unah, where they slew them all save ‘Amr ibn
Umayyah al-Damri, whom they allowed to flee.

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr reported to me that:

When ‘Amr returned to the Prophet, the Prophet said to him, “Did no one
else survive?”

Al-Zuhri added: It is reported that, when the slain were given burials, they
searched for the corpse of ‘Amir ibn Fuhayrah but could not find it. Thus, they
believed the angels had buried him.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, who said: Thumamah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Anas
reported to us, on the authority of Anas ibn Malik, that:

Haram ibn Milhan—who is the maternal uncle of Anas—was stabbed that
day, and gathering blood in the palm of his hand, he smeared it all over his
head and face, crying out, “Victory is mine, by the Lord of the Kaaba!”

Ma‘mar said: ‘Asim reported to me that Anas ibn Malik said:

I never saw God’s Messenger hold a grudge as deeply as the one he held
against the perpetrators of Bir Ma‘unah, those who slew al-Mundhir ibn
‘Amr’s expedition party. For a month during the invocations preceding the
early morning prayer,'®* he cursed those who slew them: the Ri‘l, Dhakwan,
“‘Usayyah, and Lihyan clans—all from the Sulaym tribe.

11.8

11.9

11.10

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be iglagl sg Y eg tesley bl poly

\\V 112

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, narrating a report
from ‘Urwah:

When the Muslims increased in number and the faith became manifest, the
Pagans from the infidel Quraysh began to deliberate on the matter of what to do
with the members of their own tribes who believed, torturing them and even
imprisoning them,’® for they desired to force them to abandon their religion.

He said: We were told that the Messenger of God said to those who had
faith in him, “Seek out another land,” but they asked, “O Messenger of God!
Where shall we go?” “There,” he said, and with his hand pointed toward
Abyssinia. It was the land that the Messenger of God preferred above all others
for their emigration. People thus emigrated in great numbers, some emigrat-
ing with their families and others by themselves, and they eventually arrived
in Abyssinia.

Al-Zuhri said: Ja‘far ibn Abi Talib emigrated with his wife, Asma’ bint
“‘Umays al-Khath‘amiyyah, and so did ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan with his wife Ruqa-
yyah, the daughter of God’s Messenger. Khalid ibn Sa‘ld ibn al-‘As also left
with his wife, Umaymah, the daughter of Khalaf, as did Aba Salamah with
his wife, Umm Salamah, the daughter of Aba: Umaymah ibn al-Mughirah.
Several Qurashi men left with their women. ‘Abd Allah ibn Ja‘far was born in
Abyssinia. Born there too was the slave girl of Khalid ibn Sa‘id’s daughter, the
mother of ‘Amr ibn al-Zubayr and Khalid ibn al-Zubayr. Among the people of
the Quraysh born there was also al-Harith ibn Hatib.

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr reported to me that ‘A’ishah said:

There’s not a moment I can recall that my parents did not practice the true
religion, and not a day would pass that the Messenger of God didn’t visit us
twice per day, in the morning and in the evening.’*” When the persecution
of the Muslims began, Abi Bakr left Mecca to emigrate to Abyssinia. When
he reached Birk al-Ghimad, Ibn al-Dughunnah, the chief of the Qarah tribe,
met him and asked, “Where are you headed, Abi Bakr?” Abi Bakr replied,

12.1

12.2

12.3

12.3.1

VAY

YNANY

walUl aby

BEM chadalal a}, alo) Gand V2) 5 oly a al gay ©
BEANS gh ME TSU Y wouy gyl Eb gy! Slab atl ee gay
Ye Sly cee BEN yl SW gy asl, NG gel lay’ 3
tye)! fig Sl Je; ol $s poral AS lI A Ys ea
Babe hy X66 qos Se ells HSI Je os

Jas ap 8S HEM yl Gb Sale evs KEM yl Jeb
JE ple pial —S Shey oe Zl cde CAN ASU SL
BEAM gy) spr fap COG ISBNS Ne gry egal Say SI
led feds ole by ralb SUA Beall LY Wgs SU al
je alo ne Gaelal, rath ood, bay Ve

ade _eiaita Vay 43 Joe 8 als sig Lhe Sala

Mey 8& Shey F gh OG 4) Og bey c+ Oy gael Salles

lal Ve ce aaa

VAIL SS gegde pad BEM gy! DI egb a7 SLE Hl as p36
sels lo shy De oy wld 5 ale 8 Ail, saylo gail ae d| de Sul
once ole op al belay GL ge Site wi Ely acl aly Seal
She 47 51 ILU ld ho IY] Gl oly Jo ols G atlae dl Je part
Oe TY SBM gyyte Ledy ah ae Las whet

Sosis Gill Ede 5 CU ts SKU bul gl Gb Ae ts
wal Salcolvgs Pl ev oll, ld Je part SINMAL
aly Ale SUL Gb Syl Sts Aone eon 3 i514!

A yousy Bie

Vt 114

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

“My tribe has exiled me, so I intend to journey throughout the land and wor-
ship my Lord.” Ibn al-Dughunnah replied, “O Aba Bakr! A man such as you
should not be exiled—indeed, you succeed where others fail; you cultivate the
bonds of kinship and bear all things; you act hospitably toward guests and aid
your kinsmen in times of distress. I will act as your protector, so return to your
tribe and worship your Lord in your homeland.”

Ibn al-Dughunnah embarked on the return journey to Mecca alongside Abu
Bakr, and later Ibn al-Dughunnah made his rounds among the infidel Quraysh,
saying, “Indeed, Abt Bakr has been exiled, but no one should exile a man such
as him! Will you exile a man who finds success where others fail, who culti-
vates the bonds of kinship and bears all, who acts hospitably toward guests
and aids his kinsmen in times of distress?” Thus the Quraysh recognized the
protection of Ibn al-Dughunnah and granted Abi Bakr safe haven. They said
to Ibn al-Dughunnah, “Order Abi Bakr to worship his Lord in his home and
to pray there as he wishes, but also order him neither to trouble us nor to seek
to make his prayers and scripture reading known anywhere outside his home,”
and Ibn al-Dughunnah did so.

After these events, it occurred to Abu Bakr to build a mosque in the inner
courtyard of his home. There he used to pray and recite the Qur’an, but the
Pagans’ women and children would stumble over one another to see him,
and watched amazed. For indeed, Abt Bakr was a man much given to weep-
ing, and he could not restrain his tears when reciting the Qur’an.

These matters frightened the notables of the Quraysh, so they sent a
message to Ibn al-Dughunnah. When Ibn al-Dughunnah arrived, they said,
“We consented to provide Abu Bakr with a safe haven on the condition that he
worship God in his house, but he has transgressed that condition by building
a mosque in the inner courtyard of his house, and thus brought attention to
all his praying and scripture reading. Indeed, we fear that he is beguiling our
women and children, so go to him and order him as follows: If he will be con-
tent with going no further than worshipping God in his home, then he may do
so; if he refuses to avoid bringing attention to this, then ask him to relieve you
of your pact. For we have come to loathe your protection, and will not consent
to allow Abi Bakr to bring attention to his faith.”

‘Aishah said: Ibn al-Dughunnah then came to Abia Bakr and said, “Aba
Bakr, you know the conditions on which I swore an oath to you: either choose
not to go beyond their stipulations, or else relieve me of my pact. Indeed,

\yo & Us

12.3.2

12.3.3

eaU aay

ade ail Loe ail Spay SUE Ke deny bey ade al Lo atl Iyer
ip JB ON Me Gls Sal GL SEA ab Eb Gh aked by
ODN Ay . yori

lb bey ate ail Le ail Joy S ge Hall BE nb yr rle
DHA opted op dtd! yoyl GL ple Sy ee Hall Ul ae
ob hey Je fra ade all be ail Jpn Js Fpl ae al ga) X
Kal pte Sb Sail ig el pl F gl e\vt) ze. O3% OLey|
US gelel) Syl ley ane bey ale ail Joo ail Spry fo aut

a i gd a
el del fll 555 one

GAY Ate Clbs sige JB Sal Jb

vio Syoy he SS GY $6 IB aad? gb tee g Cole Oy oA ad
yl Sts Aga toh hice Gaul; Cae St bey ate ah Le al
ail Spay olencts >. pV Sol ode ba ele ob dls ul d lad <
bey ade atl Loo fll Ss Jou aad O38 OSU Jes ale ail fe
‘dee oy ZAlS ay

Maal Syn bead gh wtlal a UL SS yl ts

Cap! J sl o5 SB bey ale dl Le ool ts

Lal Spey becsl gh Ab Syl dts

fbrabal Lo gt

Lyla Gel Grol ugly ail Jpn bel gh ab: yf des

BY ey ade atl fe atl Jpn dts

Kp ts ogee Seer CALS GY Jey ade all fe foil Ula y YY BEd VG ce)

‘SA 116

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

I do not wish for the Arabs to hear that I violated an undertaking that I
have granted to any man.” Abu Bakr replied, “In that case I relieve you of
your oath of protection. I shall be content with the protection of God and
His Messenger.”

That day the Messenger of God was in Mecca, and he said to the Muslims,
“Truly I have seen the land of your emigration; indeed, I have been granted
a vision of a marshy land full of date palms between the two black fields” —
meaning the two fields of lava rock.'®*

Then those who emigrated to Medina undertook their Hijrah when the
Prophet spoke ofit, and many of those Muslims who had emigrated to Abyssinia
returned to Medina. Abi Bakr made provisions to emigrate, but the Messen-
ger of God said, “Not so fast. It would please me if you waited for my com-
mand.” Aba Bakr replied, “Would that truly please you, O Prophet of God?”
“Yes,” he answered, so Abi Bakr held himself back for the sake of God’s Mes-
senger in order to accompany him. Abi Bakr also began feeding two of his

mounts acacia leaves and went on doing so for the next four months.

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Urwah said: ‘A’ishah continued:

One day while we were sitting in our house at the height of midday, some-
one said to Abi Bakr, “That’s the Messenger of God approaching, wearing
a veil around his head!”—and this was an hour at which he was not accus-
tomed to visit us. “My mother’s and father’s lives for his!” exclaimed Abt Bakr.
“There is a reason that he has come at this hour.”

The Messenger of God arrived, sought permission to enter, and permission
was granted. When he entered, the Prophet said to Abt Bakr, “Leave your
home.”

“My father’s life for yours, O Messenger of God!” Abt Bakr replied. “They
too are your people.”

“I have been granted permission to depart,” answered the Prophet.

“My father’s life for yours, O Messenger of God,” Abt Bakr continued. “And
your Companions as well?”

“Yes,” the Prophet answered.

“My father’s and mother’s lives for yours, O Messenger of God! Take one of
these two mounts of mine.”

“Only for its cost,” he replied.

12.4

12.4.1

eaU aay
vay Calais lp 8 oe Lag) atuas gh re Labige: AL CN
Gdlob pew Glpla cb dls K gle tel

SoS d dte Je dake S yl bey ale ail fo tld BH
JSWesta

O<N

AE KM, Sey ay gosh ote ld GH leptolie gel a Je
36

de isl Orn Sh agatl a I3| quan Js Ke yp ys
ail Abb ane oly cogian By Ley ale al
isl GAs AM IS bey ade atl he el J} de Ve ot wl Je
(stl al Opt Ce Oe OF dl oly hg Shack al je
‘\ las PS ail, Ce gl, tas dbl gr? tas ‘car

made Lake | StI ah Us Ayaib Sal Vs36 Sie lobe gl
Joos apts ee My Wed. fol yan -
bt OSG wah Je Stl pe Kf sbale

sich sold JB ae SI
soar Sas Joa Y lg Jey ae al Lo iol Sy Ab tyasll gs G lye
ren SU oh a eae Olle ge od Sar pl del
od Salon Jala eli o Ue
we Pe layGal SI me os Sa ely) glass Jb

Gas ‘Lb ia (a1 \

N\A 118

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

‘Aishah said: We gathered provisions and prepared them for the travelersas 12.4.2
fast as we could, putting the supplies in a leather bag. My sister Asma@ bint Abi
Bakr cut off a piece of her leather belt to fasten the leather bag closed. For this
reason was Asma’ called Dhat al-Nitaqayn, “The Woman with Two Leather
Belts.” Then Abi Bakr and the Messenger of God took shelter in a cave on a

mountain called Thawr. The two remained there for three nights.

Ma‘mar said: “Uthman al-Jazari reported to me that Miqsam, the slave-client of Ibn ‘Abbas, 12.5
reported to him concerning God’s decree: «Remember when the disbelievers plotted to
take you captive,»’”° saying:

The Quraysh convened an assembly to consult one another in Mecca. One
of them said, “When he awakes, let’s bind him in shackles’—by whom they
meant the Prophet. Another said, “Rather, let’s murder him!” And another
said, “Let’s cast him out!” But God informed his Prophet of all of this. ‘Ali
passed that night sleeping in the Prophet’s bed, and the Prophet left to take
shelter in the cave. The Pagans spent the night keeping guard over ‘Ali, think-
ing he was the Prophet. When they awoke the next morning, they went to
attack him but saw it was ‘Ali, and thus did God foil their plot. The Quraysh
demanded, “Where is your companion?” “I do not know,” replied ‘Ali, so they
began to follow the Prophet’s tracks. When they reached the mountain, they
lost the trail. They ascended the mountain and came upon the cave, but saw
a spiderweb at its mouth. Thus they said, “If he had entered here, then there
would be no spiderweb at the mouth of the cave.” The Prophet remained

inside the cave for three nights."”"

Ma‘mar said: Qatadah said: 12.6
The Quraysh entered the Assembly House to plot against the Prophet and 12.6.1
said, “Let no one enter with you who isn’t one of you,” but Satan entered in the
guise of an old man from Najd. Someone said, “You don’t need to be wary of
this one—this is merely a man from Najd.”
Thus, they convened their assembly to consult one another. One of their
men said, “I think we should mount him on a camel and then cast him out.”
“That’s a horrible idea!” Satan objected. “This man has already spread his

corruption among you, even though he’s in your midst! How much more will

VeVNY

eaU aay

(ay 99 Sea be nly OTB Nn go Ne EL fos SMa Jt
Sot eS Je pele Spl ab ogee sl 15] UG Sal

acy B aget SIS! Gb al Fe des ages re lS
Saye, G43 ageaiy sh ae Lyiletig

\pecais SAY Sul ad iSpy aad 7S We SLs oy rll! Sts
op #4

bleed dal Shey Ad So Ip Z I GI cher gl Ste
Aigded Akt ys SL Sely ape diy pled

Waa GhL A seth! St

oe ol Koh vB Se by oe al be ee al ab
died. \Shy fey ade atl Le ial Fy Se de op 4 Ste jd
Wael peal Bal He ol dg? tas fey ate all fo Gl dl one
\yab > efile Gol YJB Sele, ol gs che & Bb all
SUES gh 2 <b OG le 2 al

hap oF tte bE al! J ee
BOE pe wy Sigl das eae cn JU ort od &
Ola F (al et SOR: pap xe gate leas yy’ cA ce
U. pie leede Sus ps! Lake, ce ls A legth & ley We
Jello Hele Gals ge nde Ye SS gl dy in
SU Ad Fl Jae lr dad a ple le Ge Pb g Oend
GE LAE ge Oe fall & op Shey S gly atl Spey peel, dol
5 OWI TG Be ye ub 5 alah lll cedl— GA bol

leg :¢ et oles} ERT See ee )

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

he corrupt other people if you exile him? Then, once he has them on his side,
they will make war with you!”

“This old man has spoken well,” they said. Someone then spoke out, “I
think you should shut him up in a chamber, seal the door so he cannot escape,
and leave him there until he dies!”

“That’s a horrible idea!” cried Satan. “Do you imagine that his people would
ever leave him to die there? Certainly they would become furious and remove
him.”

Abi Jahl then spoke out: “I think you should put forward a single man from
each tribe, each of whom will then take his sword and strike him with one fell
swoop. That way no one will know who killed him, and you'll be rid of him!”

“Now that’s an excellent idea!” replied Satan.

But God apprised his Prophet of all these goings-on, so he and Abu Bakr
left for a cave on the mountain called Thawr. ‘Ali slept in the Prophet’s bed,
and the Quraysh kept watch over him all night long thinking that he was the
Prophet. When they awoke in the morning, ‘Ali arose for the morning prayer.
They rushed in after him, but they were surprised to find that it was ‘Ali, and
asked, “Where is your kinsman?” “I don’t know,” ‘Ali replied. So they followed
the Prophet’s tracks until they reached the cave. Afterward they returned,
but the Prophet and Abi Bakr remained there for three nights.

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said in his narrative from ‘Urwah:

The two remained in the cave for three nights. Abii Bakr’s son ‘Abd Allah,
a sharp and clever young man, spent the night with them and would leave
them just before daybreak and wake up in the morning among the Quraysh
in Mecca, as though he had passed the night there. Not a plot was hatched to
entrap them without him uncovering it and bringing word of the plot back
to them before dark. ‘Amir ibn Fuhayrah, the slave-client of Aba Bakr, would
herd a flock of sheep for them, leading the flock back from pasture once the
first hour of the night had passed. Thus the two would spend the evening in the
ease of the flock’s nourishment until ‘Amir ibn Fuhayrah would call to the flock
in the deep of night. He did so each of the three nights. The Messenger of God
also hired a man from the Di’! clan of the ‘Abd ibn ‘Adi tribe as a guide and a
khirrit—by khirrit he means a skilled guide—who was bound by alliance to the

12.6.2

12.7

walUl aby

So. 56 Moles Lge alliss oth. Sp Wye Je ves Sls
wy, ple lager Gbily Eb LIL dem? Legile LAE Gb 28
LL yb sry All gb egdeb ofall Wally Kuldy ane

may opel oll Bl tier oy lee Al gl gay Gall ab gs. gal ae Gol xsl Jb a Ob
Dg Ble aw al

wane SK gly by ale atl fe atl Spy GLA Bp IT OG EL
Ne te B ple BI ead SB LA al gl Laghed oh dager ely BGs
GT) GLB Ds Le JB > eee Jer Jil tere
aloes GE Lay. joLitl 32 pul

Bibs Gale Sal) Ly ogy Lye ail Es é il ae ale Se
SLs | ga\bsil

Sole Spb gy ews 29S SLY Qld BEL F Sb
a capa gy Sel, Je ent SN elyy ce Ay oth CF ol
YP esl & ea ile Cuaisy yo) Bi Ebb cal eb oy
yard tm page Ogio LS egal Oh & ge Wap US
La Seb GEN Gr cal ai lee Sb tp gic yall
1h > Cal ge ap Vel yeh le Sot GVW Gl ye
ISK aly CHL gay fey ade atl feo al Spey lj cae go
inp dee Ey. Soak Se WG place. old
3 bL. See two AY LLG cyrel US baby oF Sb Lingl
Otel fee Lett

6 oe as Le ic (Si) 9

\YY 122

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

people of al-‘As ibn Wa il and was even an adherent of the religion of the infidel
Quraysh. The two of them swore an oath to protect him and entrusted him
with their two mounts, having agreed to meet at the Thawr cave after three
nights; he came to their cave the day after the third night. They left on their
mounts, and ‘Amir ibn Fuhayrah, the slave-client of Aba Bakr, and the Di’li
guide departed with them. He took them via the Adhakhir path, which is the
path running along the coast.

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Malik al-Mudliji, the nephew of Suraqah
ibn Ju‘shum, reported to me that his father reported to him that he heard Suraqah say:

Messengers from the infidel Quraysh came to us offering a bounty for God’s
Messenger and Abi Bakr,’” or for either one of them, to whoever either killed
them or took them captive. While I sat in a meeting of my clan of the Mudlij
tribe, a man approached and addressed us, saying, “Suraqah, I’ve just seen the
faint outlines of people traveling along the coast. I reckon they’re Muhammad
and his companions.”

Suraqah said: I knew it was them, but I said, “That’s certainly not them;
rather, you’ve seen so-and-so and so-and-so who set out in search of some-
thing or other.”

Suraqah continued: I remained at the meeting for a short time and then left
to return home, where I ordered my servant girl to bring out my mare for me.
She could sense I was up to something. I took my spear and went behind my
house, where I made markings on the ground with the iron butt of my spear.
Keeping the tip of my spear low, I went to my mare and mounted her, and
then spurred her to gallop off at a brisk pace so that I might see the distant
outline of Muhammad and his companion. Eventually I drew near enough to
them that they were within earshot. My mare stumbled, and I fell from the
saddle. I stood up and reached back to my quiver, pulling divining arrows'”
from it. I then cast lots: Should I seek to harm them or not? Again I spurred
my steed to gallop off at brisk pace and eventually I drew near enough to hear
the Messenger of God reciting the Qur'an. He did not turn to look about, but
Abu Bakr did so constantly. Just then the forelegs of my steed sank into the
ground up to her knees, and I was again thrown from the saddle. I scolded her
and stood back up. Hardly had she pulled her forelegs out and straightened up
when, all of a sudden, fumes, ‘uthan, billowing up to the sky like smoke, rose
from the imprint made by her forelegs.

12.8

12.8.1

NoNcNY

VoNcNY

NcAAY

VoNAY

ualUl aby

Sell ya JB F dol CSS SON oll yf Qe JB
be oy

ee BG ASN AUG

Wp OLY Less gyal ¥ St Gill ob LY) cb
pelle Cae page Call ee geld yay pt FSIS:
\par Ges OL 24 cbs poset! fo alpen ‘lire mee
Ul made Suef pelle Sie slel ye pet 4d) W3
SES ALS te BIW Glad, by Gone P gl
928 opal bby GB Sind. ple ph 4 ol Healy OF

aly haere pl JB jee JB
eS GG pL el GEIS Ad yy Gs pl gal
Peel AS de Lol SF yl by ale al Le ig los
Opae [SK bey ale ail de ail Sy TH Mahl Oycudl ae)
NMLe| Valen Gog Le ltb eS lall ren ay wid GLI Ulile 6
Bee pV ell y Chloge Jeo dsl eeieg dh Lele
lad ng Ja Greer deel bey aleatl Lo al pu: pak ell
aig Jit ill fe Lo weplintl re J Bab ST Gopal! Ath
pl ag > bey ae al Joe ail Spey Lb OLN LL Syd ts
9 5 BF Soe O15 fey ale ail Joe al Spy eg Sa oA
ll Sh. "Kyl pls SBM ey nee ot eel ex cds Soe yy.
oh gla oy cle cy aby Eales bey ale ail Jo ail pes ples
Ail Syuty Cobol SK lat bey ale atl Le ail Jy GL Kh

Ail Jey ol ¢ GAP os eet bly BE x gail c [I \

\¥e 124

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

Ma‘mar asked Abia ‘Amr ibn al-‘Ala’, “What does ‘uthan mean?” He remained
silent for a time, then said, “Smoke without flame.”

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri continued his narration, saying:

I cast lots using the divining arrows, and they landed on what I most feared:
“Do not seek to harm them.” So I called out to them, assuring them I meant
no harm. They stood up, and I rode my steed over to them. Because I had
met with so many obstacles while trying to reach them, I knew in my heart
that God’s Messenger would be victorious, so I said to him, “Your tribe has
offered a bounty in exchange for your life,” and I went on to tell them the story
of my journey and what certain people sought to do to them. I offered them
provisions and other effects, but they took nothing from me, asking only that
I conceal their whereabouts. I asked them to write a letter of safe conduct for
me by which I might be protected. He ordered ‘Amir ibn Fuhayrah to write it
out for me ona strip of leather, which he did, and after that he went on his way.

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr informed me that:

The Prophet encountered al-Zubayr and a number of Muslims riding their
camels heading toward Mecca—for they had been traveling in Syria as a cara-
van of merchants for Medina—and they presented the Prophet and Abu Bakr
with white garments. It is said that they wrapped them in the garments they
had given them.

The Muslims in Medina heard word of the Messenger of God’s departure, so
they would head out to the lava fields early in the morning to wait for him until
they could no longer bear the midday heat. One day they turned back after
having waited a long time for him. After they had returned to their homes, a
Jewish man looked down from one of the Jews’ towering fortresses,'”* hoping
to catch sight of something, but he saw instead God’s Messenger and his com-
panions clothed in white and hazy in the desert mirage. The Jew immediately
cried out in his loudest voice, “O company of Arabs! This is the good fortune
you've been expecting!” The Muslims rushed to grab their weapons and went
to meet the Messenger of God. Eventually they came to the outer rim of the
lava field. He turned off the path, veered to the right, and camped among the
‘Amr ibn ‘Awf clan. That was on Monday in the month of Rabi‘ I."”° Aba Bakr
began to address the people, but the Messenger of God sat and remained
quiet. Some of the Allies who came had never seen the Messenger of God, so
at first they thought that Aba Bakr was he. Eventually, though, the sun shone

\¥o & 125

12.8.2

12.8.3

12.9

12.9.1

12.9.2

YAANY

LANNY

EAU Ay

Suny pl 3,5 tlaale Jb dS yl ab lbs ade al be
Bb ey ace abl fe al Spey eas ee aeae
4b Sees Spill Jo tl gillaet ghly AL Re ee Us af
By Paylll Seqaghd lel bey le atl Jo all SF
i Shes Seay Ad Joes Ay Fel bey ade ail Loe Syun)l aot ae
abl gh FS oF! oh Qa Sete Sa! A Oye OG gul
Si go bey ade al Jeo al Jey Ste BS BL) iden!
gpl bey ade ail oe dil Jy lea fail LG) Silla solely
he coll ab Leal Spek a ae VB ee odd a eget
Jee ail Spurs gibey em olay slags soled > Am ah I bey ae ail
Sos a9 alt Gall pee Js bey ale al

Bie is pt Le I
EG eG SAW ele Mol dl

ge bs Seibel fo at by ake all fe al dy Ee
Ae Ben Sey ale all Jo al Jy Si eae MIG
dell Ll ep OS Sy OL’ ye

ely our ale PIE bs ale al fe ail Jp ib
Peal ed & bey ale il Le all Spey Je paul yy Ae!
ESL Bie OS ILL gy, fF OI S54 par Ch lel 8S Gund!

for lable eal ge am sb Aly GE lal

‘vA 126

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

down on the Messenger of God, and Abi Bakr drew near to shade him with his
mantle. At that moment, the people recognized the Messenger of God. God’s
Messenger stayed with the ‘Amr ibn ‘Awf clan for more than ten nights, and

then he built the mosque established on piety’

and prayed therein.

After that, the Messenger of God mounted his riding camel and marched 12.9.3
forward, and the people also walked alongside him, until his mount kneeled
at the location of the Messenger’s mosque in Medina. That same day he and
several of the Muslim men prayed there. That place was an expanse of land
used for drying dates and belonged to Sahl and Suhayl, two orphan brothers
in the care of Abu Umamah As‘ad ibn Zurarah of the Najjar clan. When his
riding camel kneeled there, the Messenger of God said, “This is the place, God
willing.” Later, he summoned the two boys and bargained over the price for
using the plot for a mosque. They said, “O Messenger of God, we wish to grant
it to you as a gift,” but the Prophet refused to accept it as a gift and insisted on
purchasing it from them. The Prophet then built the mosque—straightaway he
began to carry the sunbaked bricks with the coat of his garment alongside the

other Muslims, reciting:

This very load, not the load of Khaybar,'””

our Lord, is most righteous and pure.
He also recited:

O Lord, the reward is the Hereafter,
so show Your mercy to the Allies and Emigrants.

The Messenger of God thus repeated the poetry of a Muslim man whose name
I do not know, nor have I heard in the reports about the Prophet that the Mes-
senger of God ever repeated a single complete verse of poetry except for these
verses. His intent in doing so was to encourage them to build the mosque.’
When the Messenger of God waged war against the infidel Quraysh, the war 12.9.4

prevented those who had emigrated to Abyssinia from coming to the Messen-
ger of God, but eventually they were able to join him in Medina from the time
of the Battle of Trench onward. Asma bint ‘Umays reported that ‘Umar ibn
al-Khattab used to reproach them for remaining in Abyssinia, but when they
brought this to the attention of God’s Messenger—Asma claimed—the Mes-
senger of God replied, “You are not as he says.” The first verse of the Qur’an to

be revealed concerning the waging of war was:

eaU aay
key ale atl be ail Spo) tlel 2) ld Sd td! Yayl G
Jal 3 cyl al J5l Of AS 5 be ale al es al Sau Js
Sabina al aui Bed Sse jail 53ly

NYA 128

Those Who Emigrated to Abyssinia

«Those who have been attacked are permitted to take up arms
because they have been wronged—God has the power to help

them.»!”

NAY

YAY

JB cag ge Nh SSN Goel SB Sal ge oe oe Sl Jl
es CL eet at age
dn TF Ml oi op BE Gol bey ao al Je il ote by 6
SL ay AN IEE soy ib or Lele Ad aie pp ca P mi
eos bad etl Sey ade al fe atl Spey alte Gil
of de GEIL phe Yl Je UES Se AEN A) Soe OS Get
Labpagb Al py aly igt ES leap G bey ae atl Jo cal
Pap Cal lat, Slobly hodk ll bey ae atl Le iol o3t,

* Aad Gly Wage able BOK GW! enlby INI! lb Gyo wllds
ak, Sige b bey ade ail Jo igllol b teas Spl Sy OG
de gt built, “Gleb care CSL pall, dal tl
MES Ps Coby Sul J) pel old Gb, SUL! das, oly
tn 3 cot pp ellbs slay le bey we ail Jee coll ebb >
Grob Spall Qe Gal tis Oe a . aie 12 CF ol
Ge jae (Je it eel Daal Gea eH? Sige
etl & ASB sail ot G| GE eel seis a Gal
em 3 gel lb bey ade al je Adl Sg ea ill
GU gale Loyd Sey WEL sly Gl ge elt GL,

carols ee lage ie tea a pedisbalo geet rie Sei

for abil tbe 4 stihl ¢ ‘Lb ceed 2. ec ASL ‘Lb Cloeblex All 4 06) t
Lb op WedLe YS Cal Gls ae fle aad ne GLb ‘ce Gls v

The Story of the Three Who Remained Behind

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said: the son 13.1
of Ka‘b ibn Malik reported to me from his father, who said:

With the exception of the Battle of Badr, I never failed to accompany the 13.2
Prophet on an expedition that he undertook until the Tabak expedition.
The Prophet had not censured anyone who failed to accompany him at Badr
because he set out only to find the caravan. When the Quraysh set out to come
to the rescue of the caravan, they met in battle without having planned to do so
previously, as God decreed.'*° By my life, though Badr be the most esteemed
of the Prophet’s battles in the people’s eyes, I would never wish to have wit-
nessed it in exchange for my oath of fealty the night of al-‘Aqabah when we
pledged our faith in Islam. After that, I never once failed to accompany the
Prophet in an expedition undertaken by him until the Tabak expedition—
and that was the last expedition he would ever undertake.

The Prophet had given the people permission to set out for battle, for he 13.3
wanted them to equip themselves for the expedition. This was at the time of
year when the shade had become pleasant and the fruit had ripened. Seldom
would the Prophet set out for an expedition without concealing the news.
As he used to say, “War is guile.” The Prophet wanted the people to equip
themselves for battle. At that time I had become wealthier than I had ever been
before, and I even owned two mounts. I was easily capable of participating in
the jihad and was free of cares, so I went to rest in the shade under the ripened
fruit. I remained thus until the Prophet set out early in the morning—that was
on a Thursday, for he preferred to set out on a Thursday, waking up to head
out early in the morning. I said, “I'll leave for the market tomorrow and buy
my supplies, then I'll catch up with them.” I left for the market the next day,
but I encountered some difficulties and went back. “Tomorrow I'll return,
God willing,” I said, and I remained in this mindset until sin ensnared me and
I failed to accompany the Messenger of God. I took to walking through the
markets and strolling about Medina, and it pained me that the only man I saw
who had remained behind was one despised as a hypocrite. There wasn’t a

\¥\ & 131

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\vY 132

The Story of the Three Who Remained Behind

single man who remained behind who did not imagine that he could conceal it
from the Prophet, for the people were numerous, and he did not enroll them
in a military register.'*' Those who failed to accompany the Prophet num-
bered over eighty men. The Prophet didn’t remember me until he had reached
Tabuk, but once he arrived at Tabuk, he asked, “What is Ka‘b ibn Malik up to?”
A man from my tribe answered, “O Messenger of God, he’s probably fallen
behind tending to his clothes and preening himself!” “That’s a horrible thing to
say,” Mu‘adh ibn Jabal interjected. “O Prophet of God, by God, we know only
good things of him.” While this was going on, they caught a glimpse of a man
obscured by the desert mirage. “It’s Abi Khaythamah,” declared the Prophet,
and indeed it was he.

When the Prophet had completed the Tabuk expedition and his caravan
came near Medina, I began to ponder how I might escape the displeasure
of the Prophet, and I sought the aid of some men of wise counsel from my
people. Eventually word spread that the Prophet would be arriving early the
next morning. All falsehood then left me, and I realized that I would only find
salvation by speaking the truth.

The Prophet entered Medina the following day and prayed two prostra-
tions in the mosque, as was his custom upon returning from a journey. After
entering the mosque and praying the two prostrations, he sat to hold audience.
All those who had remained behind went to him swearing oaths and making
excuses before him. He sought divine forgiveness on their behalf and accepted
their public confessions, leaving the truth of their affairs to God. I entered the
mosque, and there he was sitting in audience.

When he saw me, he smiled the smile of an angry man. I came to him, and
when I sat before him, he said, “Did you not purchase your mount?”

“Dear Prophet of God, indeed I did,” I answered.

“Then what caused you to remain behind?” he asked.

“By God,” I answered, “if I sat before any other man, then I would have
attempted to escape his displeasure by offering an excuse—indeed, I am an
excellent disputant—but I know, O Prophet of God, that ifI tell you something
that is true but that makes you angry with me, then I might still hold out hope
for God’s mercy. Were I to tell you a story merely to placate you, though it
be a lie, it is all but certain that God would reveal it to you. I swear by God,
O Prophet of God, that I have never been wealthier or more lightly burdened
by life than when I failed to accompany you.”

yyy & = 133

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ely BIS ESULL zighelic ey gy abile he [wy

We 134

The Story of the Three Who Remained Behind

“As for what you've said,” he replied, “your speech is true, but stand up and
leave now until God gives his judgment concerning you.”

I stood up, and several people from my tribe rose and followed, reproach-
ing me. They said, “By God, we’ve never known you to commit such a sin
before this! Why couldn’t you offer an excuse acceptable to God’s Prophet,
so that the Messenger of God would seek forgiveness on your behalf despite
your sin? Why have you put yourself in a position in which you have no idea
what judgment might be issued against you?”

They continued their reproaches until I pondered returning and renounc-
ing what I had said, but instead I asked, “Did anyone else say what I said?”

“Yes,” they answered, “Hilal ibn Umayyah and Murarah ibn Rabyi‘ah said the
same.” They named two upright men who had witnessed Badr; two exemplary
men whose conduct I could follow.

“No,” I said to myself, “I will not go back to the Prophet to speak of the
matter again, nor will I renounce what I’ve said.”

The Prophet then forbade the people to speak to us, all three of us. I set
out for the market, and not a soul spoke to me. As the people spurned us they
became strangers to us—even the walls and earth spurned us and became for-
eign to us. Now, I was the strongest of three and would go about the market
and enter the mosque. Approaching the Prophet, I would offer greetings of
peace, wondering, “Did his lips just murmur ‘Peace’?” When I stood to under-
take my prayers next to a column of the mosque, I faced in the direction of my
prayer; the Prophet watched me from the corner of his eye, but I if I looked
toward him, he turned away from me.

My two companions had been plunged deep into misery; weeping night
and day, they never raised their heads. While I was making rounds in the
market, there arrived a Christian man who had come to sell some food, saying,
“Who will show me the way to Ka‘b ibn Malik?” Straightaway the people
pointed him in my direction. When he had come to me, he brought with him
a scroll from the King of Ghassan, which read,

Now, word has reached me that your master has dealt harshly
with you and repudiated you. You need not take your shelter in
a house of loss or ignominy. Come, join us and we will meet your

every need.

\yo & 135

13.6

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+ he bls bey ale atl Joo coll eye Syety IL yesh cncae Ua

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fries big (BoUBUI Lal Ashlee oy, Jo added Folge]

AW 136

The Story of the Three Who Remained Behind

I thought, “This evil is yet another trial visited upon me.” I then stoked a hearth
and burnt the scroll therein.

Forty nights had passed when a messenger from the Prophet came to me
and said, “Withdraw from your wife.”

“Shall I divorce her?” I asked.

“No,” he answered, “but do not approach her.”

The wife of Hilal ibn Umayyah came before the Prophet and said, “O Prophet
of God! Verily, Hilal ibn Umayyah is a feeble old man. Will you permit me to
serve him?”

“Yes,” the Prophet consented, “but he shall not approach you.”

“Prophet of God,” she replied, “I swear by God that he can hardly move.
Since this affair has begun, he’s been curled up ina ball, weeping night and day!”

Ka’b said: When my tribulations became too much to bear, I scaled the wall
of my cousin, Abt Qatadah. I greeted him with peace, but he did not reply.
I said, “I abjure you by God, Abi Qatadah! Don’t you know that I love God
and His Messenger?” He remained quiet, so I said again, “I abjure you by God,
Abu Qatadah! Don’t you know that I love God and His Messenger?” Still he
remained quiet, so I said again, “I abjure you by God, Abi Qatadah! Don’t
you know that I love God and His Messenger?” He replied, “God and His Mes-
senger know best.” I couldn’t hold back my tears, so I scaled his wall to leave.
When fifty nights had passed since the Prophet had forbade everyone from
speaking to us, I prayed the dawn prayer on the roof of our house. I was sitting
in the state that God has described, «when the earth, for all its spaciousness,
closed in around them, and when their very souls closed in around them»,'*
when I heard a cry from atop Sal‘ mountain: “Good tidings, Ka‘b ibn Malik!”
I fell down prostrate, knowing that God had granted us respite. Soon there-
after, a man came riding on a steed to bring me the good tidings—the man’s
voice was swifter than his steed. I gave him my two garments as a reward for
the good tidings, and donned two others.

God revealed to the Prophet that He had accepted our repentence in the
final third of the night,'*? and Umm Salamah said, “Dear Prophet of God, shall
you not convey the tidings to Ka‘b ibn Malik?” He replied, “Then the people
will crowd in on all of you and prevent you from sleeping for the rest of the
night.” Umm Salamah had been kindly toward me and greatly saddened over
my affair.

\¥v & 137

13.8

Sb of Gl ge 1365 26 aM

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sepals, Bae Vi bdo! YG SS yy oh ail (gy ol Jl
yey ly atl I Bae

Ne 98 DLs je the ual Ste

Ah ll pee Leal I sols

sly Je al Jen bane or gb pe Ye a fe al al Jb
Sle 6g LT OS IY) Slabs, bil dre Ye fey ae ail
Le greed gall Jer Gall Bol fel Jey ip ail OS Vole Gls
BAe ail gh Ol py Y Gly ae AS ots

Wey Sete gy ll gl lag de all Jb

fis be Wr o6Volibeoe ty eter be

The Story of the Three Who Remained Behind

I then set off to see the Prophet—there, sitting in the mosque surrounded
by the Muslims, he shone as brightly as the shining moon, as he did when-
ever something had delighted him. I drew closer and sat before him. He said,
“Good tidings, Ka‘b ibn Malik! You’ve seen no better day since the day your
mother gave you birth!”

“Dear Prophet of God,” I replied, “is such a decree from God, or from you?”

“From God,” he answered, and then he recited to them:

«God has turned to the Prophet, and the Emigrants and the Allies
who followed him in the hour of adversity when hearts almost
wavered: He has turned to them; He is most kind and merciful to
them. And to the three men who stayed behind: when the earth,
for all its spaciousness, closed in around them, when their very
souls closed in around them, when they realized that the only
refuge from God was with Him, He turned to them in mercy in
order for them to return. God is the Ever Relenting, the Most
Merciful. »"8*

God also revealed concerning us: «Be mindful of God: stand with those who
are true.»’*

Then I said, “O Prophet of God, with my repentance I swear that I won’t
utter a word lest it be true and that I surrender my wealth in its entirety as alms
over to God and His Messenger.”

“Hold on to a portion of wealth for yourself,” he replied, “for it is better
for you.”

“Then I will keep my lot in Khaybar,” I answered.

Not since I had embraced Islam had God shown my soul such magnificient
grace as when I spoke to God’s Messenger, both I and my comrades; otherwise,
we would have deceived him and fallen into perdition as did those who had
been damned.’* Verily, it is my hope that God never again try a soul in regard
to speaking the truth as He had tried me then. Never again was I inclined to lie,
and I hope that God shall preserve me thus for the rest of my days.

Al-Zuhri said: Here ends as much of the story of Ka‘b ibn Malik as has

reached us.

‘yA & 139

13.10

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of eile Vs Gb id Gods Y (ll oe OSG fe dlog, hoyl
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re AS fle oy el Sly Gales Sool BN ag Je Al ST BS
yey ly ail

ALY Ell AA, SB

reve JB We Sel Goel Sb Spall Quel SB Gate Sl Jl ae

Those Who Failed to Accompany the
Prophet on the Tabuk Expedition

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, who said: Qatadah and ‘Ali ibn Zayd ibn Jud‘an
related to me that they both heard Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyab say: Sa‘d ibn Abi Waqqas reported
to me that:

When the Messenger of God had set off for Tabak, he appointed ‘Ali ibn
Abi Talib over us as his vicegerent.’*’ ‘Ali said, “O Messenger of God! I do
not wish for you to set off in any direction without me at your side.” But the
Prophet replied, “Are you not content to be as near to me as Aaron was to

Moses, except that there shall be no prophet after me?”

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri reported to me:

Abu Lubabah was among those who failed to accompany the Prophet
on the Tabak expedition. Later he tied himself to a pillar of the mosque and
said, “By God, I won’t untie myself or taste food or drink until either I die
or God accepts my repentance.” He remained there seven days, tasting nei-
ther food nor drink, until he collapsed to the ground unconscious. God then
accepted his repentance, and he was told, “God has accepted your repentance,
Aba Lubabah.”

“By God,” he replied, “I will not untie myself unless the Messenger of God
unties me with his own hands!”

So the Prophet came to untie him with his own hands. After this, Abt
Lubabah said, “O Messenger of God! With my repentance I swear to forsake
my tribe’s abode where I committed sin and to surrender my wealth in its
entirety as alms to God and His Messenger!”

“A third of it will suffice, Abt Lubabah,” replied the Prophet.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, who said: al-Zuhri reported to me, saying: the

son of Ka‘b ibn Malik reported to me:

ye) & 141

14.1

14.2

14.3

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gle Als FU gM ey ale atl Je ial sa fey ae ail
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fall ale I Pee sta Se Je WY Gor eg 5. J oltl, Jb
3 0 ade ail ob Ag tge g key ale atl Le ool ye le,

Ven 142

Those Who Failed to Accompany the Prophet on the Tabak Expedition

The first matter for which Abt Lubabah had been censured related to a dis-
pute between him and an orphan over a date palm. They brought their dis-
pute before the Prophet, and he ruled that the tree belonged to Aba Lubabah;
but the orphan wept, so the Prophet said, “Hand the tree over to him.” Abi
Lubabah refused, so the Prophet said, “Give it to him and you shall have its
like in Paradise.” Yet still he refused. Ibn al-Dahdahah went to speak with
Abt Lubabah: “Would you sell this date palm in exchange for two gardens.”
“Yes,” he agreed. Ibn al-Dahdahah then left to go see the Prophet and said,
“Messenger of God, do you think, if I give this orphan this date palm, that
Ishall have its like in Paradise?” “Yes,” replied the Prophet, so Ibn al-Dahdahah
gave the orphan the tree. Thus the Prophet used to say, “How many fruit-bear-
ing palms await Ibn al-Dahdahah in Paradise!”"**

Abu Lubabah also gestured toward the Qurayzah clan when they were
handed over to the judgment of Sa‘d. That is, he gestured toward his neck,
meaning they would be slaughtered. He also failed to accompany the Prophet
on the Tabuk expedition, but later God accepted his repentance.

‘ey & 143

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Nee 144

The Story of the Aws and the Khazraj'®”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority
of ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Ka‘b ibn Malik, who said:

One of the graces God bestowed on his Prophet was these two tribes of the
Allies, the Aws and the Khazraj. They vied to best one another in Islam like
two rival stallions. The Aws would not achieve some feat without the Khazraj
saying, “By God, you will never surpass us in bringing glory to Islam!” And ifit
was the Khazraj who achieved the feat, the Aws would say the same.

When the Aws murdered Ka‘b ibn al-Ashraf,'*° the Khazraj said, “By God,
we shall not rest until we have gained satisfaction for God’s Messenger as have
they!” Thus, they met among themselves to decide on the most influential of the
Jews’ leaders and then sought the Messenger of God’s permission to kill him—
and that man was Sallam ibn Abi l-Huqayq al-A‘war Abu Rafi‘ of Khaybar. The
Prophet granted them permission to kill him, but he stipulated, “Kill neither
child nor woman!” A band then set out; among them was ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Atik—
a member of the Salamah clan and the leader of the troop—‘Abd Allah ibn
Unays, Mas‘td ibn Sinan, Abt Qatadah, Khuza‘l ibn Aswad, a man from Aslam
and a confederate of theirs, and another man called So-and-so ibn Salamah.

They set out and eventually arrived at Khaybar. Once they had entered the
territory, they passed by each home and locked the owners in from the out-
side. They then made their way to Ibn Abi |-Huqayq, who was in the upper
chamber of his house, reachable only by stairs carved from the trunk of a date
palm. The men climbed up the palm trunk to knock on his door. His wife came
out and said, “Where do you come from?”

“We are merely Bedouin seeking provisions,” they answered.

“This is the man you seek,” she replied, “so please enter.”

Once inside, they locked the door behind them and rushed at him with
their swords. One of them recalled, “By God, in the darkness of the night
nothing guided my sword but the whiteness of his pallor on the bed, like an
Egyptian shawl cast on the ground!” His wife then screamed at us, and one

of our men lifted his sword to strike her, but then he recalled the Prophet’s

‘to 06145

15.1

1532:

15.3

15.4

Cathe Y Cie

alae ule, JG. le Les OS VJ Sb fey ade ail Jo cal
Atalay yt gle gle Jeb Jb. ohil Gale baie sl vs
Ser G5 deny Eatp A 39 iy Bp «pall ig OG hee gyal

00 geal SW oye Gre pee Sg Ge Lae a Lalbile Lr b Lye ss
gts Opeth Iglars il gladatl, NM yadgly Sib 4d USE
Myo FSi LEK wade atl Fly

sae ZEB SY gl abl je SL Gas Coal tied ow Jl Si
Chua lay by GS al ploeg ‘i al vel a> ob fey
Fels gh ope Caer ad aly Ul wes JE SS opp ley dey
Maly cay F eerie as relreenes grb SI
ge Mego tl ES Lae lb I ole dye logy dlp Bb setts
Spay eb Lele irk cbs dl yeel Sek ces # Je
MN ob ye af ade atl joo ail

LE, jell fo Sery, bey ade atl fro ally at oy ogeley J
age Bl :J6 el We

oft ale sfehe Gy ll ape yb AE UD gle gles Sys Jab]

yer 146

The Story of the Aws and the Khazraj

prohibition. “If it were not for that,” he said, “we would have finished her off
that night.” ‘Abd Allah ibn Unays put his weight behind his sword, stabbing Ibn
Abi |-Hugaygq in the stomach until it had gone clear through. Ibn Abi l-Huqayq
began to cry out, “My stomach! My stomach!” three times. Then we left, but
‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Atik was poor of sight and stumbled at the top of the stairs and
severely injured his foot.

We carried him down the stairs and took him with us as far as one of those
water canals and stayed there. The Jews of Khaybar then stoked their fires and,
after lighting palm branches, began searching for us intently; but God con-
cealed our location from them, and after a while they returned to their homes.

One of our companions said, “How can we leave when we do not know
whether or not God’s foe has truly died?” So one of our men set out to blend
in among the crowds. He entered Ibn Abi l-Huqayq’s house along with them
and found his wife bent over with a lantern in her hand and surrounded by
Jewish men. One of the Jews said, “By God, I heard the voice of Ibn ‘Atik!
But I told myself it couldn’t be true, saying, ‘How could Ibn ‘Atik be here in
these lands?’” Then the wife said something. She raised her head and cried
out, “He’s gone,” by the God of the Jews!”—meaning he had died. I had never
heard a word more delightful to my soul! Then I departed and informed my
companions that he had indeed died. We carried our companion, and eventu-
ally we came to the Messenger of God and informed him of the news.

Al-Zuhri said: They came on a Friday, and that day the Prophet was preach-
ing from the pulpit. Once he saw them, he cried out, “They have prospered!”

‘tv & 147

15.5

15.6

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NeNGNT

VeNeNT

VoNNV

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BY Sal IB gue bey ake abl fer ipl ey) Aisle Cade GF aye Ze Ya Qe
JB ASL

7 Weed Sil 8 pete dete ye Bille, gle YS” cal belie
ge Gal Hed! age dels Kye Cerys Coletl deal age
fey ate all Jo igll gy) Ak ILS Can Soke pete ans
SLs ww pl Te oF. Ol abyl 31 fey ale ail Lo ail pn) of oe
aes bey cle ail oo al Spe le oA ee GA ell

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re & Jelly oe! ale atl Ul Le se lbs dey ale ail Je
Was JB eat ot bey ale al bo ail Jpn 2) BL SS erry

Cy she utd Jo gel ge Cad fo dh A O3T Gel yy
op poe BB Spee Land seo Shea gl ui Ui tl
yell Len I SI Shel gerbes coud Looe} . Gils Lb ee
Spent Ay SNES GA Se Jo oe} Gopal bg does
43 Gl

ot Lal: Sete, by gee P Gus ld 3) Lud 2 “ells
fale ESs cagtty syle Ge pasa J psll Ss B pla! aida

SB ig bic v gp dbble tb ie [eae Pep Mable og fad tb 1G Liga te Cai]

Nea 148

The Story of the Slander

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said: Saiidibn 16.1
al-Musayyab, ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr, ‘Alqamah ibn Waqqas, and ‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah
ibn ‘Utbah ibn Mas‘id all related to me the story of ‘A’ishah, the Prophet’s wife, when the
slanderers spoke against her as they did. Al-Zuhri said:
God proved her innocence. Each of my sources related to me a portion of 16.1.1
her story, some of them being more knowledgeable of her story than the others
or more reliable narrators. I committed what I heard of her story from them to
memory, and each version confirmed the veracity of the others. They recalled
that ‘Aishah, the Prophet’s wife, said: Whenever the Messenger of God wished
to depart on a journey, he would cast lots between his wives. When a certain
wife’s arrow turned up, he would take her with him.
‘Aishah said: He cast lots between us for one of his expeditions. My arrow 16.1.2
turned up, so I set out with the Messenger of God. Now that was after God
had revealed his decree for us women concerning the veil,'°* so I was lifted
up in my howdah and placed atop a camel. We marched out, and eventually
the Messenger of God completed his expedition. Returning home, once we
had come close to Medina he announced that we would travel through the
night. When they made the announcement, I got up and walked away from the
army. After I had attended to my personal needs, I headed back to my camel,
but when I felt my chest, I realized my necklace—the one fashioned from the
beads of Zafar—had fallen from my neck. I returned and searched for my neck-
lace, and it was the effort to track it down that delayed me. The troop that I
had been with set off to continue the journey. They picked up my howdah and
saddled it on the camel I had been riding, thinking I was still in it.
‘Nishah said: Women used to be slender things—they didn’t grow plump, 16.1.3
and meat never stuck to their bones. We only ate tiny morsels of food. The
men didn’t notice the weight of the howdah when they lifted it up and saddled
it—I was only a young maiden then. They prodded the camel on and marched
off with it. I found my necklace after the army had marched off, and when

I arrived at their encampments, neither hide nor hair of them was to be found.

‘tA & 149

eyes

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Sl OF GOK tlle Gat leas ye CSESb all cass
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Syay Jon) SAT go oy GI ES gill Glad bey ae il Jee al
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SIF Oy HW CAE tise ay cell Bb
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Se Be SE Pa gl ely bl EMS ake ne gy CIlell gate gy! lg,
rd ll yop bg pl Sid (dle gy be

7 GI Al lb aly] vege able bic Lal yb gy sl 1 [Ada Cone’ Yo] \
for tdle be gy ae JBI GS obs;

The Story of the Slander

I figured that the men would notice I was lost and return for me. While I was
at the campsite, my eyes grew heavy, and I fell asleep. I did not wake until the
following morning. Safwan ibn al-Mu‘attal al-Sulami al-Dhakwani had passed
the night behind the army and set out again before daybreak. He arrived near
to where I lay in the early morning, first seeing the dark outlines of a person
asleep. When he came closer, he recognized me the moment he saw me, for he
had seen me before I had been made to don the veil. I only awoke when I heard
him exclaim, “We are God’s, and to Him we shall return!” once he recognized
me. I then veiled my face with my outer garment. I swear by God, he neither
spoke to me nor did I hear him say a single word except, “We are God’s, and to
him we shall return!” Eventually he made his camel kneel down onto its fore-
legs, and I mounted her. He then departed, leading his riding camel with me
on it until we reached the army after they had made camp to seek respite from
the heat of the midday sun.

It was then that those who brought about their own damnation damned
themselves on my account. The man who bore responsibility for the most
egregious misdeed was ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy ibn Salil. I arrived in Medina,
and once I arrived, I fell ill for a whole month, and all the while the people
were drowning in the gossip of my accusers. Yet I perceived none of it, even
though the Prophet did give me reason to be suspicious during my illness.
The Messenger of God had always treated me graciously when I had taken ill
before, but this time the Messenger of God would merely visit to bid me greet-
ings of peace and ask, “How are you feeling?”

That gave me reason to be suspicious, but still I perceived no evil until
I left the house after I had recovered. I went out with Umm Mistah toward
al-Manasi‘, the place where we women relieved ourselves. We only used to
go out there in the evenings, and that was before we started using enclosures
closer to our homes. Our custom used to be the same as the Bedouin of old,
going out somewhere alone, and it made us cross when we had to start using
the enclosures near our houses. So I went out with Umm Mistah. She was the
daughter of Aba Ruhm ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib ibn “Abd Manaf; and her mother
was Ritah bint Sakhr ibn ‘Amir, Aba Bakr al-Siddiq’s maternal aunt; and her
son was Mistah ibn Uthathah ibn ‘Abbad ibn al-Muttalib ibn ‘Abd Manaf.
Abt Ruhm’s daughter and I turned back home once we had relieved ourselves,

and Umm Mistah tripped over her robe. “Damn you, Mistah!” she yelled.

\o\ & 151

16.1.4

wy lepe

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SJ6 Le ge bl lolina asl sells

SS lbey 205 elt

oan Gl Car, lee 2 ey Saab ey pl la get ols
sb 5S OS ay Ad fey ale ail Joe ail Spe eo
spl Gl ol g datl

Ail Joe al Syory GOS Legh ge dt el “olay docke bly sct8

one Evy PV EIB GI Et bey oe

Jey ee Seaey J aL od aly lhe Gye i, gh sells
ede OST Y, Aye Wy WA

Sle Goll! 258 wash Lal Ge Ls

cle

lay Si deeié 1 ON. pg, Va ESS as
Lad ye dy ty, Aaland lb la: oe by ale atl Le ail Jey
cabal Glp Agta ry!

san belo Sill ey el fo ail Spay Jo eb Balad bale sos
YL BY, abel ¢ Cee 7 eee
A ILS oly AS algae Lilly thle ail 3 Gee | dbs gels Le
Pail be info hfe diy oN eas
ELA GPU cee Silly eg. d als Se al oe ees eb
Agdal o& oF ple Spall ede Syke Bl pe ST ple aol JS Fi yle
88 pl Sle

eee tse Lb c [ol] \

Voy 152

The Story of the Slander

“That’s a horrible thing to say!” I said. “Will you curse a man who witnessed
Badr?”

“Silly girl!” she replied. “Haven’t you heard what he’s said?”

“And what has he said?” I asked.

She then related to me what my slanderers were saying. Thus I added
malady to my illness.'°? When I had returned to my home, I went to see the
Messenger of God. “How are you feeling?” he asked. I said, “Will you permit
me to go to my parents’ house?”

At that moment, I wanted to confirm the report with them. The Messenger
of God gave me permission, and I went to my parents. I said to my mother,
“Dear mother, what do the people say?”

“My dear daughter,” she replied, “don’t you worry. By God, it seldom hap-
pens that a woman so bedazzles a man in love with her that his other wives do
not constantly find fault with her.”

“Glory be to God,” I exclaimed, “are the people really saying such things!”

“Yes,” she answered.

I cried that night until I had no more tears, and sleep’s antimony did not
once touch my eyes. I spent the next morning weeping, too. The Messenger
of God then summoned ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and Usamah ibn Zayd, for revela-
tions had ceased coming to him for some time, to seek counsel from them as to
whether he should divorce his wife.'**

As for Usamah, he knew the Prophet’s household to be innocent of the
charges and also that the Prophet loved his household with all his heart, so
he advised God’s Messenger accordingly, saying, “O Mesenger of God, they
are your family, and we know nothing but good of them.” As for ‘Ali, he said,
“God does not wish for you to be distraught. There are many women besides
her. If you ask her maiden, she will speak to you truthfully.” The Messenger
of God then summoned Barirah and asked, “Barirah, have you ever seen any-
thing that would cause you to suspect ill of ‘Aishah?” Barirah addressed him,
“By the Lord who called you to proclaim the Truth, I’ve never witnessed any
ill behavior that would cast any doubt upon her other than the fact that she is a
young maiden who will nod off to sleep next to the family’s dough, leaving the
goats and sheep to eat it!”

The Messenger of God stood to address the people, seeking to justify
taking action against ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy ibn Salil. From the pulpit he said,
“O assembly of Muslims! Who will give me cause to act against this man who

yor & = 153

16.1.5

16.1.6

16.1.7

VeNcNV

ANAND

Bgl atl Ae ge phate dey ade atl Le atl Jp pls alt
foe ipl le gas dey ale ail je ail Jyny Qs nots Syl
fo Eade Le aly Sas Jal lil gh 28 Sey oo Gade ov Lied
de bu SBly Ge Wale Lie L Shey Wad fe Vd ae Jal
go Yk gal

op 83 il Syery ace Aye Ss Syed Slee gy dae pid
Apl Lbadd pl cable LPL ye OF Oly eee Lo Ys!

cle Sy Le Ie, o& Cable gry dale yy daw pli 8
Lad Jo jas Vy ek Y ail al Sle tend Sts .ZLolL!

Gow Wile gual Je ole en fish gts pee deel ela
\ dale ye Sole lee hb Yael Laut a!

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Sl Stl, Gloly pp EN, Go SEY wl yy Ey scl
sala dle Cadel Silty Soe SLulle LA bad I CaS ge
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ob ob Fath Gjelldl As OB all ass atl Ge ch Col
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JBU8 bey ade al Joe abl Spey GF Ce Vis Fda poll
sh ZV Ets bey ae al Loe ail Spud Spi Le Goal bs ably Ste

\oe 154

The Story of the Slander

has brought such pain to my household? By God, I know of nothing but good
from my household. They have mentioned a man of whom I also know of noth-
ing but good. Never has he sought to enter the company of my household save
by my side.”

Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh the Ally then stood up and said, “I will take action against
him on your behalf, O Messenger of God! If the man be of the Aws clan, then
we will strike off his head! And if he be from our brethren of the Khazraj clan,
if you so command us, it will be done.”

Then Sa‘d ibn ‘Ubadah stood up. Now, he was the chieftain of the Khazraj
and otherwise an upright man, but the Era of Ignorance still had a hold on
him. He said to Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh, “By the Everlasting God! You will never slay
him, and nor could you even if you tried!”

Usayd ibn Hudayr, Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh’s cousin, then stood and addressed
Sa‘d ibn ‘Ubadah, “By the Everlasting God, you lie! We will indeed slay him!
You are but a hypocrite wrangling over hypocrites!”

The two clans, the Aws and the Khazraj, rose up in a furor and were on
the verge of coming to blows. The Messenger of God remained at the pulpit
working to settle them down until they became calm. The Prophet himself
remained calm.

That day I stayed home. My tears flowed until they ran dry, and sleep’s anti-
mony did not once touch my eyes. My parents feared that the weeping would
rip my insides apart. While they sat with me as I was crying, a woman sought
permission to visit me. I bade her enter, and she sat down next to me crying.
While we were in this state, the Messenger of God came to us and sat with us.
Now he had not sat with me since the affair began, for a month had passed
without a revelation coming. The Messenger of God confessed the oneness of
God when he sat, and then said, “As for the matter before us, ‘Aishah, word
about you concerning a certain matter has reached me. If you are blameless,
God will prove you blameless, but if you are guilty of sin, seek God’s forgive-
ness and repent before him. Truly, if a servant recognizes his sin and repents,
God shall accept his repentance.” When the Messenger of God finished speak-
ing, my tears subsided, and eventually I couldn’t even tell I had been crying.
I then asked my father, “Intercede for me with God’s Messenger on the matter
of which he spoke,” but he answered, “By God, I know not what I would say
to the Messenger of God.” So I asked my mother, “Intercede for me with the
God’s Messenger!” But she too answered, “By God, I know not what I would

Yoo 8655

16.1.8

BYaran)

wYlege

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SL AS OTA oe UI Y Su dete Syke Uy 2s bye al Le
2 4 fides Kal Heal Se pW iy fa Sl Sip a al
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Span e cuedah Lest»

a Sh fe, Gi elk a tl, Pl) fe ab Lid ol
of Bul, Fg GES SHO BEST a Sy ble Gy
ail Sys Ex Sle) SSL . AG al Oley oi b zl
A Spay ply be lp ol te A gy is pill § fey ate atl Jo
dia Je ail Ml > Se oul pal CA eae by a ail fo
sd ail Go place Ed oy del GEL deb fey ade ail Pe
oN cade SA gol JB CUE pall Salli OI Jee ae
FS Sl 0G dom as fey cle atl Joe a Spay oe Ee a
tle gl belle asl Syl os aly Ul Ale L scl Jb Ol,
Ci Gile ail JLel YL, al) rs Vail Y Ela

ested aby tk Salt Le Gléy ale dl dob scab
Se BUN ode ail Si Obl ge

ale gil Y aly sf olf Peake Gh SS dts NG
dl GaN Se LATS |S} atl Jyb .Atbbe Se sil Ol Ext
ih atl fe Ol LOY Gl aly oS gl be PES RIMES IES 43
Gol yesl Y ably Ss cle gi, 08 gill bh ed

- Gl ssl GLH! 6 Jl ce bgp teil c [aAl ey] )

yor 156

The Story of the Slander

say to the Messenger of God.” Now, I was just a young maiden—I could not
yet recite much of the Qur’an—but I said, “By God, I know you have heard
so much about this affair that now it has taken hold of your hearts and you
believe it to be true! Indeed, even if I were to say to all of you, ‘I am blameless,
and God knows my innocence, you would still not believe my words. But if I
were to confess my sin before you all—though God knows I am blameless—
you would surely believe my words. Truly, I swear by God, I can find no adage
for you or me more suitable than the words of Joseph’s father: «it is best to be
patient: from God alone I seek help to bear what you are saying».”!”°

Then I turned and left to lie down on my bed. I swear by God that, at that
moment, I knew I was blameless and that God would vindicate my innocence,
yet I did not imagine that a revelation concerning my problems would descend
and come to be recited. For in my heart I loathed the thought that God might
address any matter concerning me in a revelation to be recited aloud. Rather,
I hoped that the Messenger of God would have a vision in his sleep, by which
God would vindicate me. By God, the Messenger of God refused to receive
anyone, and not one person from his household went out, until God granted
his Prophet a revelation. Suddenly the tremulous convulsions that took hold
of him at the moment of revelation seized him, and soon beads of sweat began
to run down him like pearls, even though it was a winter’s day—because of
the gravity of the revelation that had descended. When the convulsions had
passed, he began laughing, and the first word he spoke was, “Good tidings,
‘Aishah! Indeed, by God, God has vindicated you!” My mother then said to
me, “Go to him!” “No, by God,” I said, “I will not, nor shall I praise any but
God, for He is the one who revealed my innocence.”

God, Blessed and Exalted be He, revealed, «It was a group from among
you who concocted the slander» and ten more verses. °° God revealed these
verses about my innocence.

Abi Bakr, who used to provide Mistah with money because of their kinship
and Mistah’s poverty, said, “By God, never again shall I give him money after
saying what he did about ‘Aishah!” But God revealed,

«Those who have been graced with bounty and plenty should not
swear that they will no longer give to kinsmen, the poor, those
who emigrated in God’s way: let them pardon and forgive. Do you

not wish that God will forgive you?»

\ov & = 157

16.1.9

van G9) yt tel oh SL hey ale ail Jo al Joeny OS tile calls
Sealy be gl Sade be Sal oF bey ae atl Lo (gl

Cpe Vy Lde be aly Spey eer ail all Syuay by ees

Ley ade ih foe coll choad oe Gerd call gy tile Cb
le yh SG A lt te el ee YS Lithy .pydh ail yoo

SaaS Vga pl ye lal Gel AS Sd! JB

NG Atte PEF ES Gly atlas oF 4 ul yl oe dilas
Led WB gall ll Vge bey ae wal Le igll de Wel, ail Jl 0
Adel

on all ys at ys Sb las
pe bey ade all fe ail Spey SI

The Story of the Slander

Abu Bakr then said, “By God, I indeed wish that God will forgive me,” and
he resumed providing Mistah with the money he used to provide, saying,
“By God, never again will I withhold it.”

‘Aishah continued: The Prophet had asked Zaynab, the daughter of Jahsh
and the Prophet’s wife, about my situation: “What do you know?”—or, “What
do you think?”

“I protect my ears and eyes from such things,” Zaynab answered. “I swear
by God, I know nothing but good of her.”

‘Nishah added: Zaynab was my biggest rival among the Prophet’s wives,
and God sealed her heart with piety. Her sister, Hamnah bint Jahsh, sought to
turn her against me, but Hamnah only damned herself along with the others.

Al-Zuhri said: This is all that has come down to us about those people.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ibn Abi Yahya, on the authority of ‘Abd Allah ibn Abi
Bakr, on the authority of ‘Amrah, on the authority of ‘A’ishah, who said:

When God vindicated her innocence with His revelation, the Prophet pun-
ished those who said about her what they said according to God’s law.'

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri:
The Messenger of God punished them according to God’s law.

YoX & 159

16.1.10

16.2

16.3

ve JE ee oF ala. allas oe Gull ete rye Silas
wv SSB Jeoally Gu? pal fell dey ae atl Lo al Ape G

poll Eke IL al al ogi bd LB ng BS aS A pe

Fab ga) ok ge Shes eal EIOG LA ye be SL Sts

Jakub Ant ly kdb Pie pede Lh | nee gol yp fae Ol all

; ; Bi Ope en b pee oli ll mele ail
vow De 36s SG AY Cedi bdo Cody dodo lbh OG Sb
Coote Sly ait sal ull Sted SSS, Sat OM! ad OG doll

bl aa Soa ith Syl ol Sb! Gb Ma de adel a S15 5 Che

PA Slagle Waaoy le Jo Gols 4 ly ad SB ade ov GOK Ys

oo.

j ere Cs pial Jab gles teiy an

i ets wal fl ice th el Jers cab cl Lil Jb eae

pall ek p24 0 Val oll Jal Ul pal Lob JB al

pole ES: 2 $8 SES yl ca SB dL eal hd Ss al, Cal I
Olas EF sf SES yg) selhal ot Ie 13h

«fc BLY se [ad] ke Jad]

The Story of the People of the Pit'”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Thabit al-Bunani, on the
authority of ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Layla, on the authority of Suhayb, who said:

When the Messenger of God prayed the afternoon prayer, he used to mur-
mur—“murmuring” means, one of them said, that he moved his lips as though
he were saying something—so someone said to him, “O Prophet of God,
whenever you pray the afternoon prayer, you murmur!” He replied, “One of
the many prophets was more astounded by his community’s conduct than the
rest. He asked God, ‘Who shall deal with these people?’ And God revealed to
him that the prophet should give the people a choice: either God could take
vengeance upon them, or their enemies could be appointed to rule over them.
They chose God’s vengeance, and thus He appointed death to rule over them.
Seven thousand of them died on a single day.”

Whenever the Prophet would relate this tradition, he would also relate
another tradition, saying:

Once there was a king, and that king possessed a diviner who practiced his
craft in the king’s service. One day that diviner said, “Seek out a clever”—or he
said, “sharp”—“young boy that I might instruct him in this craft of mine. I fear
that I shall soon die and that this knowledge will be cut off from you, leaving you
with no one who knows it.” They searched and found a young boy for him who
matched his description, and they commanded the boy to meet that diviner and
visit him frequently. Thus the boy began frequenting the diviner’s residence.

Now there was a monk who lived in a hermitage that lay along the young
man’s path to the diviner—Ma‘mar said: I believe that the inhabitants of the
hermitage in those days were Muslims”°°—and the young man began to ask that
monk questions whenever he passed by him. It was not long before he told the
boy, “I worship God alone,” and the young man began to stay with the monk and
come late for his visits to the diviner. The diviner wrote a message to the young
man’s family, saying, “He hardly comes to see me!” The young man informed

the monk about this, so the monk told him, “If the diviner says, “Where have

VV & 1é6l

17.1

17.2

17.3

17.4

add Viel hones

ow Jb Als pdt AS ll oye Sele = 31 wd fo pd Jb
Spi le SES) feglll SB LF pS eL, An OES LW | sagen
Mob Ge gat Jo Gly Glu ode Si GI LG E> Cals
All pe daly ¢ J6 sl Vol

SUS oe ell Sts

sp dtl ats

Jel ade | Ce pall a bes ABs yl all

NSS IS ls Spa ie 0) OL a Ste ool warts

03 GL Bl ne DSSS SL Sy Mee che al Y spdull Sts
Sole

—— | él

ala SB ope ale de atl lous Sb

ay 43 Ka sel, SYBY Sti eee Bb ead tod gpl alll os is
de Mall aap FOES Jedle aUh 8 JB ale kil Y
4 \gahleil : Stes pw yl Glace 2VI by 3 sel bis
oats Gall OA tls Cl 4 | gables! Ute husly oy agile ISS \S fe ail
dic sald om pw & nh ee Osby Sat ela on Ostle, lye
SS ey al SF Al Sly Bis ab ogi Al dla gis Jee AM
PO MoL Sees sis Sd & Gey a ‘pal Ste Ail olay ne
By oly F Mab cay ab pall Gy ail pa wb ah pill el

Vv 162

The Story of the People of the Pit

you been?’ then say, ‘I’ve been with my family’; and when your family says to
you, ‘Where have you been?’ then say, ‘I’ve been with the diviner.”

Meanwhile, the young man passed by a large gathering of people who were
trapped by a beast—one of the transmitters of the story said: this beast was a
lion—so the young man grabbed several rocks and said, “O Lord, if what the
monk says is true, then I beseech You to aid me to kill this beast; but if what the
diviner says is true, then I beseech You to prevent me from killing it.” Then he
cast the stone and killed the beast.

“Who killed it?” someone asked.

“The young man,” the others answered.

The people then rushed to him for protection and said, “This young man
has knowledge known by no other!”

A blind man heard about him, so he came to the young man and said to him,
“If you can restore my sight, then I shall give you such and such.”

“I don’t want such things from you,” replied the young man. “Rather, if your
sight is restored, will you have faith in the One who restored it to you?”

“Yes,” he answered.

The young man then prayed to God, and He restored the man’s sight. The
blind man then became a believer.

When word of their affair reached the king, he sent for them, and they were
brought before him. The king declared, “Verily, I will cause each of you to die
a different death than the one before him!” Then he ordered the monk and the
man who had been blind to be brought before him. Placing a saw on the waist
of one of the two men, he executed him, and the other he killed in a differ-
ent manner. Then he issued his sentence against the young man, and when he
was brought forward, he said, “Take him to such-and-such mountain and cast
him from its summit!” When they had taken him to the intended place, they
began to stumble over one another atop the mountain and fall from it until
none remained but the young man. When he returned, the king sentenced
him again, saying, “Take him and cast him into the sea!” Yet, once they had
taken him to the sea, God drowned all those who were with him, but saved
the young man. The young man declared, “Truly, you will never kill me unless
you crucify me and shoot me through with arrows; and when I have been shot
through with arrows, you must say, ‘In the name of the young man’s Lord’”—
or, he said, “In the name of God, the young man’s Lord.” The king gave the

sentence against him, and he was crucified. Later they shot him with arrows

wie & 163

17-5

17.6

ibe ds

AS pl J LF are SL oxy prt ) JB pal Gy al ~
ps an 29 OB ode! ade Le He pdIall ae Je

vov JB AWE S SLUG S26 UWE Ol Leal alld ji oS
eo dh ein wes ll ere. tty cbt as J? yds VSL
se Jb ape Vol S path em Jl oleall wb ony nS
OB Gate ah & és5ploli thy lpp ail ds
alae; lbs! ; Raa One, ea il Sata Ib. 3ad slp pall ae
avre-y) WSF air2 Je dewey

OVE 2 Vy Sl Sas Je

5 Ue lends OBE se ¢

Vt 164

The Story of the People of the Pit

and said, “In the name of God, the young man’s Lord.” The young man lifted
his hand to his temple and then died. The people then cried out, “Verily, this
young man knew knowledge known by none other, and we have faith in this
young man’s Lord.”

Then someone said to the king, “Are you not worried that he shall defy you
a third time? Now the entire world defies you!” The king decreed, “Dig the
pit, and then cast the wood and fire therein.” The king assembled the people
and said, “Whoever returns to his religion will be spared, and whoever does
not return we will cast into the fire.” Thus he began casting them into the pits.
Concerning this, God decreed:

«Accursed were the makers of the pit, The makers of the fuel-
stoked fire! They sat down there to witness what they wrought
against the believers. They exacted vengeance against them for
naught but their faith in God, the Mighty, the Praiseworthy.»””

As for the young man, he was buried. It is said that he was exhumed from his
grave in time of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, and his finger was still on his temple just
as he had placed it.

‘Abd al-Razzaq said: “The Pit” is in Najran.°

‘100 & (165

17:7

Veta SB ee as OF Ura or Jebel Gel wl ie a
ma Dale . 26d) Glee! das bru. realey jot

Gb dea dl 9% Ade Vdol ou YG? yh Je dt me ipsa
etl cole yy aad aly ad Jt O8 ell I oy C3 08 Cle
Ad) Jueefins Jerry all Wags) GIL Sl ale GUL hs
SIA os aly lle oe Oi Lb del Jal Sp ae,
cole Je bits 36 dig nm b dle Je Joli oFiicy « pel
nae LBA guy Ge IA Vs dsl Sl pe

win CL SUB SID ejsad plLN yy oo Sab OW! gl ole > ,

Balin od edd A INE IS ode che Jouty wlll
Pippen ay Jeo & ctl Opgiily Aud ae
BB Hl Cole kl fo fa lll GE ad bl gb! Gb
Wy gall cy lp B Asal jer Saneee OE oye SU Lary “ade Sal
dob Aye! ag 5\ 4 1,508 fel be dp) bp ole
bale Gus ic aes fs dl Jal abl Sans: ne
AW pall Je oa 58 Sh LO - all Ol. poe atl

oct Mabe tS (AB feed SUB] vege Made 5 (LS OG] Biflade roy Sale Side
EAA. tS fade] oe eye Mable fe5 [pL Cobo otal J Juss LIM Gb)

VV 166

The Story of the Companions of the Cave*°?

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, who said: Isma‘ll ibn Shartis related tome on 18.1
the authority of Wahb ibn Munabbih, who said:

One of the Apostles of Jesus, the son of Mary, came to the city of the 18.2
Companions of the Cave. He desired to enter the city, but was told that an
idol stood at its gate and that none could enter without prostrating before it.
Wishing, therefore, not to enter the city gate, he traveled to a bathhouse nearby.
He worked there and earned his living from the owner of the bathhouse. When
the owner of the bathhouse saw the blessing and profit in his bathhouse,
he handed its management over to the Apostle and entrusted its affairs to him.
A number of the youths had become devoted to the Apostle, and he began
teaching them about all that the heavens and the earth contained and about the
world to come. With time, they came to have faith and believed his message so
that, like the Apostle, they became beautiful to behold. The Apostle would also
stipulate to the owner of the bathhouse, “The evening belongs to me, so do not
come between me and my prayers when the time for prayer approaches.”

Things continued thus until the prince brought a woman to take with him 18.3
inside the bathhouse. The Apostle rebuked him, saying, “You are the king’s
son, and and you dare take this sort of girl inside with you?” The two were
ashamed, and the prince went on his way. Then the prince returned another
time, but even though the Apostle spoke to him as before, cursing him and
trying to chase him off, the prince paid no heed and entered the bathhouse,
and the woman entered with him. They spent the night in the bathhouse and
died there. The king came and someone said, “The owner of the bathhouse
has killed your son!” They searched but could not find him, for he had fled.
The king asked, “Who were his companions?” and they named the youths.
Now, the youths had left the city and come across one of their companions at
a field he owned, and he was a man of faith like them. They told him that they
were being pursued by the king, so he set out with them along with his dog, and
eventually they took shelter in a cave for the evening. They entered the cave
and said, “We'll pass the night until morning comes, God willing. Then we’ll

Vv & 167

eye fonte

Se Ol age JeS LISS GSI ws Pons & paid ae
Aes Side gle Bel

Seth gle Syd OS) his Cath G6 dS

Cpey (elas Vege mee ESIC aede yb SE

Any ee Sais

crn Edaly 2S an 22) Sts STI ae ll Sol & EL Le
3 mel ail ad lool a eo dle Jy, Be pall ys ¥
I te Gleb og Gi Boy piel pad, Age? Spe dll ey Aolerl
Sheng ole SSN VES yy ye COL GLY ee gle Ul
Glab All dg ge Se

SAL ode ont gg 156

Goes Lael # Jb ald Gleel tl Sore 2J6

SALull ede ull Bb Orb Th age fe 67 All ede SI

Sys ede BM yl ge St Le Sey OG wlll Ll and}

Gl F IGS GSE WI Gal & el Gobel tl ep SB
Cub a GALI I gel

sable! yl, Je

36 3 38

SU ull bo bal & G2: Ske Sl ob Gl Se ane Gil
US ab ede Ipows dl lyalsb sppilaly ail be ope sd bing agl, Ul

foe tal lA y 0 Sabad oly sll ob GILES io \

\VA 168

The Story of the Companions of the Cave

discuss what to do.” God then caused their ears to be sealed. The king set out
with his aides to pursue them, and eventually he found them. They entered the
cave, but whenever one of their men wanted to go farther in he would be filled
with terror, so that none could bear to enter.

Someone then said to the king, “Didn’t you say, ‘If I can capture them, I'll
kill them’?”

“Yes,” he replied.

“Then block the mouth of the cave and leave them,” said the man, “and
they'll die of hunger and thirst.”

Thus did the king act, and the eras passed.

One day, a shepherd with his flock was caught out in the rain and came to
the cave. “If only I could open this cave and shelter my sheep from the rain!”
he exclaimed. The shepherd fumbled about at the mouth of cave, and he even-
tually opened it up for his sheep and sheltered them in it. The next day, God
restored the souls of the youths to their bodies. When they awoke that morn-
ing, they sent one of their number with some silver coins to buy some food for
them. When he came to the city gate, no one to whom he offered the silver
pieces would accept them, until eventually he approached a man and said,
“Sell me this food for these silver pieces.”

“Where did you get these silvers?” the man replied.

“My companions and I left the city only yesterday,” he answered, “and found
shelter for the night, and when we woke up this morning, they sent me here.”

“But these silvers are from the reign of King So-and-so! How did you ever
come to possess these silvers?” the man replied.

He then took the matter to the king, a righteous man, who said, “Where did
you obtain these silver pieces?”

“My companions and I left the city just yesterday,” he answered, “and even-
tually we reached such-and-such cave in the evening. After that, my compan-
ions told me to buy some food for them.”

“Where are these companions of yours?” the king inquired.

“In the cave!” he answered.

So the king set out with him and eventually came to the mouth of the cave.
The youth said, “Allow me to go in after my companions before you do.” When
his companions saw him and he had drawn near, God caused their ears to be

sealed with sleep. Though the king and his men wanted to enter to see them,

WA B69

18.4

* S « .
i 4 4 . g
2) 5 zs Se ~~ : or : OS) He dey er :
* oe Ie wv 8) \y ) * er “a 4 |
Ie * : 7 Ad Ura .

ail JAly ie)
43 Osha Ides lag Jt ly i S¢

The Story of the Companions of the Cave

whenever a man would enter he would be overcome with fear, so they were
unable to follow after them. Thus, they built a church where they rested and
built a mosque to pray there.

\v\ & I7l

2 oe Aye
wel ew lee
a4 JB KOSS TEED ay Gaabs ye ae ye lle
a 4 4 & +g i
Su alS, Ge W gl lent CS
. “ 4 co
Ald fo LS Ly SE
yeNA aks JB: Sb

vers cab Y raat cy hee al ol el Gh sgl UB ole Ot

OL tbe Set al OL blest GIB SLL, oles oye a
Lye par pie Kos dletl oli 3 whi Ae ale cys
StS Olle BTA ES Fo coll a OL blll oad
ot Pade ee a OL
So eB SF op OF OB Be US gad pl Sb
OM SG old oljl Cd az GUY ob SLY a Ip wd
eee ag Old 4) Sts Ase 3 Ol
ven Je canes ¢ tad Gol SMe at MY ylie Spe
Olas! Sls Lads ade pak, B nag eo cart wery)l saa!
Agb dele) Je aeeg ell BE opdb coal a BLL |p sl
seal Cy gS Gb HB 4 Gpoet Iydad Ul deb

“Cred! JG feeb ¢ \

\vY 172

The Construction of the Temple of Jerusalem*”*

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Qatadah concerning God’s
decree, «We placed a human form on his throne, but later he turned in repentance»,”°*
saying:

A demon sat on his throne for forty nights until God restored to Solomon
his rule.

Ma‘mar said: But the demon did not exercise any authority over his wives.”

Ma‘mar said: Qatadah said:

Solomon declared to the demons,””’ “

Verily, God has commanded me to
build a mosque in Jerusalem, but I must not hear there the sound of a saw or
the clang of a hammer.” The demons replied, “Truly in the sea lives a demon;
perhaps he is able to accomplish this and will inform you how.” That demon
was accustomed to returning every seven days to a well to drink from it, so the
demons embarked on a journey to this well. The demons dredged the well and
filled it with wine. When the demon came to the well, he said, “Truly, yours
is a fine aroma, but you make a fool of the crafty, and only add to the fool’s
folly.” The demon then departed and did not drink, but when his thirst became
acute he returned, repeating three times what he had said before. Finally he
took a sip, and then continued to drink until he became drunk. The demons
then seized him and brought him to Solomon. Solomon showed the demon
his signet ring. When he showed him the ring—for Solomon’s power to rule
resided in his ring—Solomon declared to him, “Indeed, I have been com-
manded to build a temple, on the condition that I must not hear there the
sound of a saw or the clang of a hammer.” The demon requested a glass con-
tainer, and it was crafted. The glass container was placed over the egg of the
hoopoe. The hoopoe then came to nestle atop its egg but could not. When the
hoopoe left, the demon said, “Watch now and see what the hoopoe brings, and
then take it!” The hoopoe returned carrying a diamond and, placing it atop the
glass container, split open the glass. The demons took the diamond and began

carving stones until they had constructed the Jerusalem Temple.

\vy¥ & 173

19.1

19.2

19.2.1

Vote ul 22 G tL ae Gb O88 | Ey Od ghail, JS
Bode af Set dot GS Joo WB ULE! Ld dans pb Jus
cad utly UY oP Sle At yell Coe eS Je gly a!
ad) AYBy alee Sale AY Guay] Sl pe fo Olaptll OG
Agthy Ded dole Slept! LS OG DLL ls ye Old Ge
AL EL oy, 2s Joy SL Ree oO gall sl yy
Gable Gl Sts dial

F cSoyUUN ALM Bala ye Cpe el bya Le cal eg sa ool
SCANS Gade Gr oes HRY tl la Be pl

Ade gel Y sd

Ole pal ad Ss wee! J a

rete gl Gp a) cated Lal SL Syl 5b Gay Vl ald Ole bad Sb
bob adp od! ye Gale Sl oly ole cog webb
S65 She abbaldyy egeul pb slab oy add ge Saae? auth
4628 ON GEV cas tlyzp eli xe

” Geen yaaa se

“ gS Jb a Sb
*. pbaly Gee Sabla dS Seid

Us bh sl is fe Oe eS

Vt 174

The Construction of the Temple of Jerusalem

Now one day Solomon set off for the bathhouse, and he had withdrawn 19.2.2
from one of his wives because of a certain sinful act she had committed.””
When he entered the bathhouse, that demon entered with him. When the
demon entered the bathhouse, he stole Solomon’s ring and threw it into the
sea. Then the demon cast a human form on his throne—his footstool—in the
shape of Solomon, and Solomon’s power to rule abandoned him. Thus the
demon sat on Solomon’s footstool forty nights, but Solomon’s aides did not
realize this and said, “Solomon has succumbed to temptation and neglected
his prayers!” —but it was the demon who neglected the prayers and other mat-
ters pertaining to religion. Now among the companions of Solomon was a man
of perseverance and strength, much like ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, and he said,
“Indeed, I will ask Solomon about this on behalf of you all.”
Thus he came to him, saying, “O Prophet of God, what would you say to
one of us who enjoys his wife on a cold night, then sleeps until the sun rises—
but he neither does his ablutions nor prays. Do you find any fault with him?”
“No,” the demon answered, “he committed no fault.” 7°
The man return to his companions and declared, “Solomon has been led
astray!”
While Solomon traversed the earth he took shelter with a woman, and _ 19.2.3
she placed before him a whale—or he said: she brought him a whale—and
split open its belly. Solomon saw his signet ring in the belly of the whale.
He removed it from its belly and put it on again. From then on, all the creatures
he encountered prostrated themselves in obedience to him, whether beast or
fowl, or any other creature, and God restored Solomon’s power to rule. About
this God has said:

«He turned to us and prayed: “Lord forgive me! Grant me such

power to rule as none after me will possess.” »”"°

Qatadah said: Solomon was asking God not to dispossess him of his power to

rule ever again.

Ma‘mar said: al-Kalbi said: 19.3

At that time the demons and birds were made subservient to Solomon.

\vo & 175

\cNe

4 i 4 \ 4 Ce i
Jang ade atl fro atl J op eG

ch lel op plte g Soy galas gy. & Fi Gael JE Sal ye er ye dl Jlas
O16 «ee
Paes Bigge Cu 3 bey ale atl Le atl Jpn) Selb Sil
Sar clk Job le 26 GBI gd oll o5LS LEB SE ale gl
id gat Ch lel 2G 20 Gal ul tel oye y

Lath Jy b id! ON ah ag © Aye

eS So oul bY 4 Baa) ail GEL Zul US SL Sl
Syny ded Lelia) Lily deep Spee Cuell ale 2S Cite ge ail Sey

dey ade atl fo ail

6 iol Ate Nase gatas yy atlas Gael pill Jb
tel 3 Gab Bigg coy bey ae tl Joe atl Spurs SEEN Sl
Sal dey tall gy, peal Je doy cP rcl6 4 Sdb ae b AA

G2) Vb dhe, BE yay AT Jey a Je
Jes guts gla 22d cat ane Sts
Vale Sy Mb gly. dee Ate nS | ll Soll wal

Fool cal 8 ced 3g ‘be \

\vt 176

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said: Aba
Bakr ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Harith ibn Hisham related to me on the authority of Asma’
bint ‘Umays, who said:

The onset of the Messenger of God’s illness occurred while he was in the
chamber of his wife Maymunah. His illness became so severe that he lost con-
sciousness. His wives then gathered to discuss whether or not they should
treat him by pouring medicine into the corner of his mouth.”” They admin-
istered the medicine, but when the Prophet had regained consciousness, he
said, “This is the work of the women who came from those people!”—and he
pointed in the direction of Abyssinia. Indeed, Asm@ bint ‘Umays was there in
their midst.

“O Messenger of God,” they declared, “we suspected that you had pleurisy!”

“God would never cast such an affliction upon me,” he retorted. “Leave no
one untreated by this medicine except for the Messenger’s uncle,” by whom he
meant ‘Abbas. Even Mayminah was given the medicine orally that day, though
she was fasting, because the Messenger of God had commanded it.

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Utbah related to me that ‘A’ishah informed
him, saying:

The Messenger of God first fell ill in Mayminah’s chamber. He asked his
wives’ permission to be nursed in my quarters, and they granted him his request.
When he set out, he placed one of his hands on al-Fadl ibn al-‘Abbas and the
other in the hand of another man, and his feet dragged along the ground.

‘Ubayd Allah said: Ibn ‘Abbas related to me the following, saying:

“Do you know who the person ‘Aishah did not name was? It was ‘Ali ibn

Abi Talib,” he answered, “but ‘A’ishah found it displeasing to say so.””””

\VV & 177

20.1

20.2

YoNe

Jercleail foal leas 27st
M6 Ate oe od gene Gal Gayl J
wr le lee : bok Gillan g by ce ail Lo ald dé
rll dha’ eel byl JE LG
aU ade Sey Hl! gy Reid Gant Golde tile cl
CAE Glos oll ats gb

ot der oF pede Ca yl Spell ool opl 36 wll 4 Sy, galas Kel wall J
; hey ae ail fo call eee

ol py Ig call elagtll Zaculy cade gly ail ub Cbs dery 96
BI gto) O97 Y glad Vy Oguz fk rll inl Si Jl
sgt OF Ip sly ESSE dell 5)

Shy Shey Za ris al JB

Deeb GAY y Lal Gy 4 oe Ce JE hey ae ail Le cll
ey ale ail oe ill d Se Si Andi wy IK yl gs Ay KE le
aay SeghobVoet g pial ly ede de SF hey Je
Sly telly See Oy purl ey el Y GB ual

all pte uly Sle Glaze gail ne atl ge Gaels all JB
ters Je Vat ih Jer Ui ge dey ade all Le gil
a95 IgdB) Syleally oped! Jo al dea Seis gay « es oF WES Be \\36
wer Lane re
sNghed Gall foe yt Atle Sys

\VA 178

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

Al-Zuhri said: “Urwah related to me on the authority of someone else, on the authority of 20.3

‘Nishah, who said:

During his fatal illness, the Messenger of God said, “Take seven waterskins
whose strings have been unfastened and pour them over me so that I might
recuperate and announce my testament to the people.”

‘Aishah continued: We sat him down in a copper tub that belonged to
Hafsah and poured the water over him until he began gesturing to us as if to

say, “You have done enough.” Then he came out.

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Ka‘b ibn Malik—whose father was one of three whose
repentance was accepted**—related to me on the authority of one of the Prophet’s
Companions:

That day the Prophet stood up addressing the people. He offered praise to
God and extolled His glory. Asking God to forgive those martyrs slain during
the battle of Uhud, he declared, “You, O assembly of Emigrants! You shall con-
tinue to increase, but the Allies shall not increase. The Allies are my trusted
companions in whom I found refuge, so extol their noble deeds and overlook

their misdeeds.”

Al-Zuhri said: I heard a man recall:

The Prophet said, “One of God’s servants has been given a choice between
the life of this world and that of the Hereafter, and he has chosen to be with his
Lord.” Abi Bakr surmised that the Prophet was speaking of himself and wept.
“Be at ease,” said the Prophet. Later he would also say, “Close the doors of the
mosque that face the street except for the door of Aba Bakr, may God have
mercy on him, for in my view, I know of no other man among the Companions

who has so greatly aided me as has Abi Bakr.”

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Utbah related to me that ‘Aishah and Ibn
‘Abbas both related to him:

Once the Prophet’s illness descended upon him, he began placing a cloak”"*
over his face. Whenever his body was racked with pain, he would remove it
from his face and declare, “God’s curse be upon the Christians and the Jews,
for they have adopted the graves of their prophets as places of worship!”

‘Mishah said: The Prophet was warning us against the like of what they actu-
ally did.”*

\V4A & 179

20.4

20.5

20.6

AcNe

MNe

Jeseeatl peal as waztd

Ep) OB a 8

AG Madi pL A has) yall ad bey ale ail Le gl Sey
th fe Lek Ste Et! g,

fe a Spey ao yall ner OG per eb) bed
[Hy ale al

Sf Spe lhe ull Ste

ail Jyoey bh lg

SK gh ph feed opel ws al ab dts

fe ail Spey TE GIES Neate bb Fe sey gy atl ade She
376 I Ap bey ade al

Gol Lal gall ail Y Jb

6 Atte ye ey atlas Gael salt Sb

UB Hh fed SUM ye SB bey ade ail fre atl Spey J
1 : T oh | 7 Zu 8 a y i
Sagal glo aaa The Y STU LG WS 38) Jey SU GL Tal Spey b os
pte be ox Sal rll poled SI AalS Yl yl ail lb. SW ge
Liny Colpo Je Kb. K

SAL g. Sl Gel asl Jb
slp 2A Re bey ae ail Jo atl Spy ES yet py OD
ech ty Gee By Cages NOB 6 rth Le a X

(ame os Se As tly 3) oe oDe| ally plead dean be Gy abl Aad ig)
Al Spe, KW Wigs ec yy dla yan ice

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said:
The Prophet said to ‘Abd Allah ibn Zam‘ah, “Convey my command to the

people that they ought to pray.” ‘Abd Allah ibn Zam‘ah set out and, upon meet-
ing “Umar ibn al-Khattab, he told him, “Lead the people in the prayer.”

‘Umar then prayed with the people, but as he lifted his voice in prayer—
for he had a booming voice—the Messenger of God overheard, so he asked,
“Isn’t this “Umar’s voice?”

“O Messenger of God,” they said, “indeed it is.”

“God and the Believers reject this,” he declared. “It is Abu Bakr who shall
lead the people in prayer.”

Later ‘Umar said to ‘Abd Allah ibn Zam‘ah, “What a foul thing you’ve done!
I thought the Messenger of God had ordered you to command me.”

“No,” said ‘Abd Allah ibn Zam‘ah, “by God, he hadn’t asked me to give such

an order to anyone.”

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar related to me on the authority of Aishah, who said:
When the Messenger of God had become seriously ill, he said, “Command
Abu Bakr to lead the people in prayer.” I said, “O Messenger of God! Aba
Bakr is a frail man. Whenever he reads the Qur’an, he can’t even hold back
his tears—if only you would give the order to someone other than Abi Bakr.”
By God, I only hated the thought that people might wish ill toward the first
person to occupy the place of the God’s Messenger. I repeated this two times,
or maybe three, but he said, “Abu Bakr shall lead the people in prayer. You

women are like the mistresses of Joseph!””"*

Al-Zuhri said: Anas ibn Malik related to me, saying:

On Monday the Messenger of God pulled the veil of his chamber aside and
watched Abi Bakr lead the people in prayer.””” Anas said: I gazed at his face as
though it were the page of a book, and he smiled.

Anas continued: We were almost tempted to abandon our prayer because of

the joy we felt upon seeing the Messenger of God. Whenever Abt Bakr would

NAN & 181

20.7

20.8

20.9

Lesceatlfeall as warts

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le bey ade ail

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Lei bey ale ath Le ail Spey

op Sas shige Ke del Jo wlll Ugh sas ah ge
Shey ade atl fo al Sys

Vogl ge

wre F SOE! Jol ce f bey ade atl Le atl Spy Sb dl
Le dh ob 28k os tu E os Bis bs Lill $s dlieg Jools s

fee Abbe ie [408 ye ES] 1

VAY 182

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

turn, thus delaying his prayer, the Prophet would gesture to him, as if to say,
“As you were.” Then the Prophet released the veil and was taken from us on
that very day. ‘Umar stood up and said, “Verily, the Messenger of God has not
died! Rather, his Lord has sent for him as He sent for Moses for forty nights!
Thus did Moses remain away from his people for forty nights. By God, I expect
the Messenger of God to live long enough to cut off the hands of the hypocrites
and to cut out the tongues of those claiming”—or he said, “saying” —“that the
Messenger of God has died.”

Ma‘mar said: Ayyib related to me on the authority of ‘Ikrimah, who said:

Al-‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib said, “I said to myself, ‘By God, I must know
for certain how much longer the Messenger of God will remain among us.’ So I
said to him, ‘O Messenger of God, if only you were to take a chair to sit upon,
then God would spare you the dust and keep petitioners away!’

“T’ll let them contend with me over a spot to sit on my robe even if they
tread upon my heels, the Prophet replied. “Their dust shall cover me until God
grants me a respite from them.’ Then I knew that his time with us was short.””*

When the Messenger of God passed away, ‘Umar stood up and said,
“The Messenger of God has not died! Rather, he has merely been made to
slumber as Moses slumbered! By God, I expect that the Messenger of God will
live until he severs the hands and cuts out the tongues of these hypocrites who
say, “Ihe Messenger of God has indeed died!”

Then al-‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib stood up and said, “O people! Do any of
you possess a testament or covenant from the Messenger of God?”

“No, by God,” they replied.

Al-‘Abbas then said, “The Messenger of God did not die until he had made
what was lawful lawful. Then he waged war, persevered, and made peace;
he married women and divorced; and he left you on a clear path and a well-
marked course. If the matter be truly as Ibn al-Khattab says, then it will not
exceed God’s ability to exhume him and bring him back to us, so do not stand

NAY & 183

20.10

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as ftp cle al Joo al Arey aa “dks

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EM

Js dok3 Cary oe J
AK Lay LAD Ga Sl hey ale al Joo al Jpn 4 Be eel

4 i

NAL 184

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

between us and our kinsman. For indeed, his flesh decays like any other

person’s.””"?

Al-Zuhri said: Ibn Ka‘b ibn Malik informed me that Ibn ‘Abbas said:

Al-‘Abbas and ‘Ali went out from the Messenger of God’s home while he
was still ill, and a man encountered the two and said, “Abt Hasan, how fares
the Messenger of God this morning?”

“The Messenger of God has recovered,” ‘Ali replied.

Then al-‘Abbas said to ‘Ali, “After three days, you will be the servant of the
staff.”?”°

Al-‘Abbas dismounted at the Prophet’s home and said, “I have this sense
that I can perceive death in the faces of ‘Abd al-Muttalib’s progeny, and I fear
that the Prophet will not recover from this affliction of his. Come with us to
him so that we may question him. For if the right to rule is to be ours, then we
will know for certain; and if it is not to be ours, then we will ask him to grant
us his blessing.”

But ‘Ali said to him, “What would you think if we were to go to him and
he did not give it to us? Do you believe that the people will then give it to us?
By God, I’ll never ask it of him.”

Al-Zuhri said: ‘A’ishah said:
When the illness of the Messenger of God worsened, he said, “In the most

exalted company!” three times and then went limp.

Ma‘mar said: I heard Qatadah say:
The last words of the Prophet were, “Fear God in matters concerning

women and those slave women your right hands possess.”””*

‘AO 6 185

20.11

20.12

20.13

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BS GIN oak pl oie, pysell ps gall Sula
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ail foo abl Spey BS pall ge all elds ey ade atl Le Gall ee Je Galle Ge 2A al

NAV 186

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said: Aba
Salamah ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman related to us, saying: Ibn al-‘Abbas used to report that:

Abu Bakr al-Siddiq entered the mosque while ‘Umar was speaking to the
people. He proceeded to walk until he reached the chamber in which the
Messenger of God passed away—‘A’ishah’s chamber—and pulled back the
hibarah cloak?” in which his corpse had been shrouded. He gazed at the
Prophet’s face, leaned over him, and kissed him. Then he said, “By God,
God will not cause you to suffer two deaths. You have already died the death
after which you shall never die again.”

Then Abt Bakr went out to the mosque while ‘Umar was still speaking to
the people. Abi Bakr said to him, “Sit down, “Umar!” But he refused to sit.
He told him two or three more times, but still he refused to sit. So Abu Bakr
stood up and confessed the oneness of God, and the people turned toward Abi
Bakr and left ‘Umar. When Abi Bakr had finished confessing God’s oneness,
he said, “Now, whoever used to worship Muhammad, truly Muhammad has
died; whoever among you worshipped God, truly God lives and has not died.”
Then he recited this verse:

«Muhammad is merely a messenger before whom many mes-
sengers have come and gone. If he died or was killed, would you
revert to your old ways? If anyone does so, he will not harm God
in the least. God will reward the grateful. »*”*

Abu Bakr, may God have mercy on him, recited the verse, and the people
knew for certain that the Messenger of God had died. They received the verse
from Abi Bakr in a way that caused some to declare that they had not known
that this verse had been revealed until Abi Bakr recited it.

Al-Zuhri said: Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyab related to me, saying:

‘Umar said, “By God, hardly a moment passed after Abi Bakr recited the
verse before I, standing there, immediately dropped prostrate to the ground,
for then I knew for certain that the Messenger of God had died.”

‘Abd al-Razzaq related to us, saying: Ma‘mar related to us on the authority of al-Zuhri, who

said: Anas ibn Malik related to me that he heard the last sermon of “Umar, may God have

‘AV & ~~ s187

20.14

20.15

20.16

Jeseeatl peal as waztd

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Nyad tety ade ail foo al Je JB dee

NAA 188

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

mercy on him, which he delivered while seated on the Prophet’s pulpit that day following
the passing of the Messenger of God. He said:

‘Umar confessed the oneness of God, and Abi Bakr remained silent and did
not speak. Then ‘Umar spoke,

“Now, I have said something that was not as I said it was. By God, I had
neither found what I said in God’s Scripture, nor in a testament that the Mes-
senger of God left to me. Rather, I expected that the Messenger of God would
live until he outlasted us”—meaning that he would be the last of them—“but if
it truly be that Muhammad has died, then God has placed among you a light by
which you might be guided: this Scripture of God. So hold fast to it, and take as
your guide that by which God guided Muhammad! Then hold fast to Abt Bakr.
May God have mercy on him, the companion of the Prophet and the second
of the two:”** he is the most deserving of the people to manage your affairs.
So rise up and give him your oaths of allegiance.”

A group of them had given him the oaths of allegiance before that at the
portico of the Sa‘idah clan, and the public oath was given at the pulpit.

Al-Zuhri said: Anas related to me, saying:
I saw ‘Umar ardently urging Abt Bakr to ascend the pulpit.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority of
“‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Utbah, on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, who said:

When death came to take the Messenger of God, a number of prominent
men were in his chamber, among them “Umar ibn al-Khattab, and the Prophet
said, “Draw near to me so that I may write you a testament, lest you go astray
after my death.” But ‘Umar said, “The Messenger of God has been overtaken
by pain, and you all have the Quran. The Scripture of God is sufficient for
us.”””> The household of the Prophet disagreed and began to dispute with one
another. Among them was one who said, “Draw near so that the Messenger of
God may write his testament for you, lest you go astray after he dies.” Among
them was another who said what ‘Umar had said. When the foolish talk and
disagreements around the Messenger of God became acute, he commanded,

“Leave, all of you!”

NAN & 189

20.17

20.18

Jercleailpoail las aati
Syany Gy dle L Ha KRM SL dye Urbs gl OS sal ae Jb
pally gpdEEN oye CEI Ul aed CK Sl Guy bey ade wal Jo al

The Beginning of the Messenger of God’s Illness

‘Ubayd Allah said: Ibn ‘Abbas used to say, “A disaster! What a disaster! The
only thing that prevented the Messenger of God from writing that testament

down for them was the quarreling and clamor!”

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Pb ie ly Abe re Cpl |

NAN 192

The Oath of Fealty to Abt Bakr at the
Portico of the Sa‘idah Clan

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority
of ‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Utbah, on the the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, who said:
During ‘Umar’s caliphate I used to teach the Qur’an to ‘Abd al-Rahman
ibn ‘Awf. Now when ‘Umar undertook his final hajj, we were in Mina.””° ‘Abd
al-Rahman came to see me at my residence that evening and said, “If only
you had witnessed the Commander of the Faithful today! A man went up to
him and said, ‘O Commander of the Faithful, I’ve heard so-and-so say, Were
the Commander of the Faithful to die, I would certainly pledge my fealty to

so-and-so.??”

“eo

I'll address the people this very night!’ ‘Umar exclaimed. ‘I must warn
them of this band of men who seek to seize power over the Muslims by force!”

Ibn ‘Abbas continued: “O Commander of the Faithful,” I said, “the market
now gathers together the vulgar mobs,””* and they will overwhelm any assem-
bly you convene. My fear is that, if you make a statement in their midst on the
morrow, they will take your words as auguring all manner of bad things and
thus not pay them heed nor give them their due. Rather, proceed carefully,
O Commander of the Faithful, until you have arrived in Medina, for it is the
abode of the Sunnah and the Hijrah. There you can speak with the Emigrants
and the Allies alone and say whatever you wish in full command of an audience
who will heed your words and give them their due.”

“By God,” ‘Umar replied, “if He so wills it, then I shall do so as soon as I set
foot in Medina.”

When we arrived in Medina, the time for the Friday Congregation” had
come. I rushed off to the mosque when ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf told me, but
I found that Sa‘id ibn Zayd had beaten me in the rush to get there and was
seated next to the pulpit. I sat down next to him, my knee touching his. Once
the sun had set, ‘Umar, God bless his soul, came out to meet us all, and as
he approached I said, “By God, the Commander of the Faithful is certain to

yay & 193

21.1

21.1.1

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NAL 194

The Oath of Fealty to Abi Bakr at the Portico of the Sa‘idah Clan

say something the like of which has never been said from the pulpit before!”
Angered, Sa‘id ibn Zayd said, “And what exactly will he say that hasn’t been
said before?”

When ‘Umar had ascended the pulpit, the muezzin began the call to prayer.
Once he had finished the call to prayer, ‘Umar stood up and praised and
extolled God, as is His due, and then he spoke:

Now to the heart of the matter: I wish to make a statement that
God has ordained me to say. I know not for certain whether the
hour of my death soon arrives. Let whoever heeds, understands,
and remembers my words repeat them wherever his journeys may
take him; but whoever fears that he shall not heed my words, let
him not spread lies against me.

Indeed, God sent Muhammad, God bless him and keep him,
with the Truth and revealed through him the Scripture. One of
God’s revelations was the verse on stoning.”*° The Messenger
of God stoned adulterers, and we stoned adulterers after him.
I fear that in times to come men will say, “By God, stoning is not
in God’s Book.” Thus they shall go astray or neglect a command
God has revealed. For indeed, stoning is the just punishment for
the adulterer, if one has married and the evidence is present, be it
pregnancy or confession. We used to read in the Qur’an: «Yearn
not for ancestors other than your own, as it is an affrontery to faith
for you», or «For you it is an affrontery to faith to yearn for ances-
tors other than your own».”*"

The Messenger of God also said, “Do not praise me to excess as
the Christians did to Mary’s son,”** God’s blessings upon him, for
Iam but a servant of God. Rather, say ‘the servant of God and His
Messenger.”

Now it has also reached me that a man from your ranks says,
“Were the Commander of the Faithful to die, then I would cer-
tainly pledge my fealty to so-and-so.” But do not be deceived by a
man?* who says, “The oath of fealty to Abi Bakr was a hasty deci-
sion!””** Though it was indeed so, God dispelled its evil, and there
is no one among you for whom men have risked their necks as they
have for Abi Bakr. He was the best of us when the Messenger of
God passed, even though ‘Ali and al-Zubayr withdrew to Fatimah’s

‘40 & 195

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Yat 196

The Oath of Fealty to Abi Bakr at the Portico of the Sa‘idah Clan

house and the Allies withdrew from us with their kinsmen into
the Portico of the Sa‘ida clan. It was the Emigrants who gathered
before Abi Bakr, God show him mercy, whereupon I said, “Abu
Bakr! Come with us to see our brethren, the Allies!” Thus we went
with him leading the way, and we encountered two righteous
men from the Allies who had witnessed the Battle of Badr. They
asked, “O assembly of Emigrants, what do you seek?” We replied,

“We seek out these brethren of ours from the Allies.” “Return!”
they said. “Settle on who will lead you among yourselves.” I then
replied, “Make way, for we won't be stopped.” We came to them
and, lo, they had gathered together at the Portico of the Sa‘ida clan
and in their midst was a man wrapped in a cloak. “Who is that?”
I asked. “That’s Sa‘d ibn ‘Ubadah,” they answered. “What’s wrong
with him?” “He’s taken ill,” they said.

The spokesman for the Allies rose and, after praising and extol-
ling God as is His due, had his say: “We the Allies are the Legion
of Islam. You, O company of Quraysh, are but a troop in our ranks,
a band of which wandered out of the desert into our midst.”

By these words did they seek to rip us out by the roots and
wrest power away from us. In my heart, I had prepared something
to say and planned to say it in front of Abt Bakr so that he might
help soften its harshness since his bearing was grander and more
dignified than mine. When I wanted to speak, he said, “Rest easy,”
and I was loath to defy him.

Abi Bakr, God be pleased with him, offered praises to God as
is His due, and then he spoke. By God, he neglected not a single
word that I had prepared in my heart without uttering its like or, in
his perceptive way, something even better. Then he said, “O com-
pany of Allies, you have mentioned your virtues, and you deserve
as much, but the Arabs will not recognize the rule of any tribe save
that of the Quraysh, for they are the noblest of Arabs in lineage
and abode. Indeed, it would please me to offer you either of these
two men, so pledge your fealty to whomever you wish.” Then he
took hold of my hand and the hand of Aba ‘Ubaydah ibn al-Jarrah.

‘Av & = 197

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\AA 198

The Oath of Fealty to Abi Bakr at the Portico of the Sa‘idah Clan

Naught but these words did I find objectionable, for I would
have preferred to have stepped forward to be beheaded, were it
not a sin, than to rule over a people in whose midst was Abu Bakr.

When Abi Bakr finished his speech, a man from the Allies
stood up and cried, “I am the stout rubbing post and the short
palm heavily laden with fruit:*** Choose a leader from among
yourselves, O company of Quraysh, and we shall choose one from
our own ranks, lest war break out from our dispute and ensnare us

once again!”

Ma‘mar said: Qatadah said:

“Umar ibn al-Khattab replied, “Two swords cannot fit in a single scabbard;

rather, the commanders are to come from our ranks and the aides”** from

yours.”

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri continued with his story according to his authorities:

As the people began lifting their voices from both directions and
the clamor heightened until the dispute turned dangerous, I said,
“Abt Bakr! Stretch out your hand so that I may pledge my fealty to
you!” Abu Bakr stretched out his hand, and once I had pledged my
fealty to him, the Emigrants and Allies did likewise. We pounced
on Sa‘d until someone cried out, “You’ve killed Sa‘d!” “May God
kill Sad!” I said.

Indeed, by God, of all the things that transpired during these
events, we saw nothing more grave than the oath of fealty pledged
to Abu Bakr. We feared that, had we left the Allies to their own
devices, they would have pledged their own oath of fealty imme-
diately after our departure. In that case, we would have had to
pledge fealty to someone we could not abide, or we would have
had to oppose them. In either case, chaos would have ensued.
So let not a man be deceived into saying, “The oath of fealty to
Abi Bakr was a hasty decision.” Though it was indeed so, God dis-
pelled its evil, and there is no one among you for whom men have
risked their necks as they have for Abi Bakr.

If someone were to pledge fealty to a man from the Muslims
without consultation,”*’ his pledge of fealty would be invalid and
both would be subject to death.

‘a4 B99

21.1.3

21.1.4

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The Oath of Fealty to Abi Bakr at the Portico of the Sa‘idah Clan

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said:

“Urwah related to me that the two men from the Allies who met them were
“‘Uwaym ibn Sa‘idah and Ma‘n ibn ‘Adi, and the one who said, “I am the stout
rubbing post and the short palm heavy laden with fruit” was al-Hubab ibn
al-Mundhir.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the the authority of Layth, on the authority
of Wasil al-Ahdab, on the authority of al-Ma‘rir ibn Suwayd, on the authority of ‘Umar ibn
al-Khattab, who said:

With regard to a man who summons others to recognize his own political
authority or that of another without consulting the Muslims, the only permis-
sible course of action for you is to kill him.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Ibn Tawis, on the authority
of his father, on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas:

‘Umar said, “Take to heart three of my instructions. Authority derives
from Shura.?** In the ransom customs of the Arabs, each slave is redeemed for
another, and the son of a slave woman with two slaves . . .””°°

Ibn Tawis kept the third to himself.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, who said: Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd
al-Rahman al-Qari related to me on the authority of his father:

‘Umar ibn al-Khattab and a man from the Allies were sitting together,
and ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Abd al-Qari came and sat next to them. ‘Umar then
said, “We do not wish to sit with those who spread rumors,” to which ‘Abd
al-Rahman replied, “Nor would I sit with the likes of such people, O Com-
mander of the Faithful!” So ‘Umar said, “Rather those sorts of people sit with

2 ¢

these sorts of people, so do not spread what is said.” ‘Umar then spoke to the
Allies: “Who do the people say shall be caliph after me?” The Allies proceeded
to list several men from the Emigrants, but did not name ‘Ali. “What do they
97240 ©

say of Abt l-Hasan Umar queried, “By God, were he to lead them, he

would certainly be the most capable of keeping them on the path of Truth.”

Ma‘mar said: Abu Ishaq reported to me on the authority of ‘Amr ibn Maymin al-Awdi,

who said:

ey & 201

21.2

21.3

21.4

21.5

21.6

ele ging Me Wal ogy Lyle
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The Oath of Fealty to Abi Bakr at the Portico of the Sa‘idah Clan

I was at the house of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab when he granted authority to
the Six,** and as they left his gaze followed them, whereupon he said, “If only
they were to entrust the rule to little baldy, he could lead them along the True
Path”—by whom he meant ‘Ali.

yey & 203

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What ‘Umar Said about the Members of the Shura?*”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Qatadah, who said:

A group gathered together, and al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah was among them.
They said, “Whom do you suppose the Commander of the Faithful will desig-
nate as his successor?”

“Ali,” said one.

“Uthman,” said another.

Yet another suggested, “‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar, for he’s the caliph’s son.”

Then al-Mughirah said, “Why don’t I find out for you all?”

“Yes, do so!” they answered.

‘Umar was accustomed to riding out on the Sabbath to a plot of land he
owned, so when the Sabbath arrived, al-Mughirah kept its time in mind and
waited by the side of the road. ‘Umar passed by him seated on the jenny ass
that he owned; beneath him was a cloth, which he had folded and placed atop
the jenny ass. ‘Umar greeted him with peace, and al-Mughirah returned the
greeting and said, “O Commander of Faithful, might you permit me to walk
alongside you?”

“Yes,” he said.

When ‘Umar arrived at his estate, he descended from the jenny ass, removed
the cloth, unfolded it, and reclined on it. Al-Mughira sat down in front of him
and related his story, after which he said, “O Commander of the Faithful, by
God, you know not when the hour of your death has been ordained, so haven’t
you set some guideline for the people, or given them some indication that they
might follow?”

“Umar sat up straight and said, “I see, so you’ve all gathered together and
said, ‘Whom do you think the Commander of the Faithful will designate as
his successor?’ One of you said “Ali, and someone else said, “Abd Allah ibn
“Umar, for he’s the caliph’s son. Didn’t they feel safe enough to ask that of two
men from ‘Umar’s family?”

“That,” I said, “I cannot tell you.”

Then I said, “You must designate a successor!”

Yro & 205

22.1

22.1.1

22.1.2

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What ‘Umar Said about the Members of the Shura

“Who?” he asked.

“Uthman,” I said.

“I fear his bond to his tribe and his cupidity,”*** he said.

“Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf,” I said.

“A weak believer,” he said.

“Then al-Zubayr?” I asked.

“Too stubborn,”*** he answered.

“Talhah ibn ‘Ubayd Allah,” I suggested.

“His calmness is that of a believer, but his anger is that of an infidel. Were
I to place him in charge of the caliphate, then I might as well have handed the
caliphal seal to his wife.”

“What about ‘Ali then?” I asked.

“Indeed, he’s the most capable of them—if it were he—to rule according to
the Prophet’s Sunnah, but we used to rebuke him for the touch of foolishness

that was in him.”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority
of Salim, on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar, who said:

I went in to see my sister Hafsah, and she said, “Did you know that your
father is not going to designate a successor?”

“He surely won't do that!” I said.

“Indeed, he will,” she replied.

Thus I made an oath that I would speak to him of this, but I remained quiet
until after I had returned from a military expedition, and I did not speak to
him. Until I returned, it was as though I had been carrying a mountain in my
right hand, so I went to see him. He asked about the affairs of the people. I told
him whatever news I knew, and then I said, “I have heard the people making
certain statements that I swore I would report to you: They claim that you will
not designate a successor. Now, say you had a shepherd tending to camels, or
one who tended sheep, and he came to you and left his flocks behind. Wouldn’t
you have considered them lost? Shepherding people is an even more serious

matter!”

Y°vV & 207

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What ‘Umar Said about the Members of the Shura

He agreed with what I had said and lowered his head for some time. When
he lifted his head to me, he said, “Certainly God will preserve His religion,
even if I do not designate my successor. Indeed, the Messenger of God did
not designate a successor. Were I to designate my successor—well, Aba Bakr
also designated his successor. The matter only requires that one keep in mind
the Messenger of God and Abi Bakr.” At that point, I knew that he would
not deviate from the Messenger of God’s precedent and that he would not be

designating a successor.

YA & 209

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Abt Bakr’s Designation of ‘Umar as His Successor

‘Abd al-Razzagq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority of 23.1
al-Qasim ibn Muhammad, on the authority of Asma bint ‘Umays, who said:
A man from the Emigrants came to see Abi Bakr, God grant him mercy,
while he was stricken ill, and he said, “You have designated ‘Umar to succeed
you. He has been harsh with us, even though he lacked authority. Ifhe is to rule
over us, then he will certainly be stern with us and even harsher. How will you
tell this to God when you meet Him?”
“Help me sit up,” said Aba Bakr, and so they sat him upright. He then spoke:
“Who else but God can you mention to frighten me? Indeed, this is what I will
say when I meet him: ‘I designated the best of your people to rule over them!”
Ma‘mar said: I asked al-Zuhri, “What did he mean when he said ‘the best of 23.2
your people’?” He answered, “The best of the Meccans.”

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VN 212

The Oath of Fealty Pledged to Abt Bakr

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Ayyub, on the authority of 24.1

‘Ikrimah, who said:

When the oath of fealty was pledged to Abt Bakr, ‘Ali withdrew to his
house. ‘Umar met him and said, “So you’ve withdrawn to avoid pledging fealty
to Aba Bakr?” ‘Ali replied, “I swore an oath when the Messenger of God was
taken from this world that I would not don a coat until I had collected the
Qur’an, except to perform the required prayers, for I feared that the Qur’an
would slip away.” ***After that he came out and pledged his fealty to Abi Bakr.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Abi Ishaq, on the authority
of al-‘Ala@ ibn ‘Arar, who said:

I asked Ibn ‘Umar about ‘Ali and ‘Uthman, and he said, “As for ‘Ali, that
there is his house” —meaning that ‘Ali’s house was near the Prophet’s house in
the mosque—“and I will tell you a story about the other”—meaning ‘Uthman.
“As for ‘Uthman,” he continued, “God grant him mercy. He committed a grave
sin against God, but God forgave him; he committed but a minor sin against all

of you, but you all murdered him.”**°

‘Abd al-Razzaq related to us, saying: Ibn Mubarak related to us on the authority of Malik ibn
Mighwal, on the authority of Ibn Abjar, who said:

When the oath of fealty was pledged to Abi Bakr, Abt Sufyan came to
‘Ali and said, “The lowliest households of the Quraysh have seized this power
to rule over all of you. By God, I will fill the city with horses and men!” ‘Ali
replied, “I have said before that you remain an enemy to Islam and its people.
This brings no harm to Islam and its people and, indeed, we regard Abi Bakr

as worthy.”

‘Abd al-Razzaq related to us, saying: Ma‘mar related to us, on the authority of Ayyab, on

the authority of Ibn Sirin:

24.2

24.3

24.4

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Ve 214

The Oath of Fealty Pledged to Aba Bakr

A man once said to ‘Ali, “Tell me about the Quraysh.” ‘Ali replied, “Our
most cunning in political strategy are our brethren, the Umayyah clan; the
bravest of us at the moment of battle and the most generous with the spoils is
the Hashim clan; the sweet-smelling flower that perfumes the Quraysh is the
Mughirah clan. Away with you now, that’s enough for today.”

‘Abd al-Razzaq related to us, saying: Ma‘mar related to us, saying:

A man once said to ‘Ali, “Tell me about the Quraysh.” ‘Ali replied, “As for
us, the Hashim clan, we are the braves, the men of distinction, the leaders, and
the virtuous; as for our brethren, the Umayyah clan, they are the vanguards of
the defense; and the sweet-smelling flower that perfumes the Quraysh is the
Mughirah clan.”

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vN4 216

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the
Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah”*’

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said: 25.1

After the Messenger of God had undertaken the Hijrah and those who had 25.1.1
been in the land of Abyssinia had arrived in Medina, the Prophet dispatched
two expeditions into Syria against the Kalb, Bal-Qayn, and Ghassan tribes, as
well as the infidel Arabs who dwelled along the Syrian steppe. He appointed
Abu ‘Ubaydah ibn al-Jarrah, a member of the Fihr clan, to be commander of
the first expedition, and appointed ‘Amr ibn al-‘As as the commander of the
second. Abt Bakr and ‘Umar left Abu ‘Ubaydah in charge of his expedition.

At the time of the two expeditions’ departure, the Messenger of God called
for Aba ‘Ubaydah ibn al-Jarrah and ‘Amr ibn al-‘As to come to see him. “Do not
defy one another’s commands,” he ordered. When they had left Medina behind,
Abii ‘Ubaydah approached ‘Amr ibn al-‘As and said, “The Messenger of God
charged us not to defy one another’s commands; either you should submit to
my command, or I should submit to yours.” ‘Amr ibn al-‘As answered, “Nay,
submit to my command.”

Thus did Abi ‘Ubaydah submit to the command of ‘Amr, leaving ‘Amr the
chief commander of both expeditions. That exasperated ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab,
who said to Abi ‘Ubaydah, “Are you actually going to heed the commands of
Ibn al-Nabighah, and recognize him not as just your commander, but as Abi
Bakr’s and ours as well? What is this nonsense?”

“Listen, brother!” Abu ‘Ubaydah replied. “The Messenger of God made
us both swear that we would not defy one another’s commands. I fear that if
I don’t submit to his command, not only will I disobey God’s Messenger but
the people will involve themselves in our dispute as well. So, by God, I am
determined to submit to his command until I return.”

When they had returned, ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab spoke to the Messen-
ger of God and complained to him about the matter. The Messenger of God
answered, “I would never bestow authority on anyone over you without first

giving you precedence.” By “you” he meant the Emigrants.

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XNA 218

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

That expedition was named Dhat al-Salasil. *** During that expedition large
numbers of Arabs were taken into bondage as captives. Then, after that expe-
dition, the Messenger of God appointed Usamah ibn Zayd as commander,
though he was still a young man, and he placed “Umar ibn al-Khattab and al-
Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam in command of a contingent as well; but the Prophet
passed away before he was able to specify the mission of those forces. Hence,
it fell to Aba Bakr al-Siddiq to accomplish the task after the Messenger of God.

When Abu Bakr later assumed the leadership of the community, after
the death of God’s Messenger, he dispatched three commanders to Syria: he
appointed Khalid ibn Sa‘id over one army, ‘Amr ibn al-‘As over another army,
and Shurahbil ibn Hasanah over a third army. Lastly, he dispatched Khalid ibn
al-Walid to Iraq at the head of an army.

Afterward ‘Umar spoke with Abi Bakr, continually pressing him to appoint
Yazid ibn Mu‘awiyah in command over Khalid ibn Sa‘id and his army. “Umar
ibn al-Khattab did that because he held a grudge against Khalid ibn Sa‘id.
When Khalid had returned from Yemen after the Prophet’s death, he met with
‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and protested, “O Sons of ‘Abd Manaf! Have you been forced
to relinquish your leadership?” Aba Bakr bore him no ill will for that, but
‘Umar did and said, “And so shall you be forced to relinquish command!””*°
Hence, when Abi Bakr made Khalid a general, ‘Umar reminded Abt Bakr of
this and pressed him until he appointed Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan in his place.”
Yazid granted Khalid ibn Sa‘id the rank of commander once he had arrived in
Syria at Dha 1-Marwah.

Abu Bakr then wrote to Khalid ibn al-Walid and ordered him to march his
army toward Syria, and so he did. Thus was Syria under the authority of four
different commanders until Abi Bakr passed away.

Once “Umar assumed the caliphate, he dismissed Khalid ibn al-Walid and
appointed Abt ‘Ubaydah ibn al-Jarrah in his place as commander. Later, ‘Umar
went to al-Jabiyah and dismissed Shurahbil ibn Hasanah and ordered his army
to be dispersed among the remaining three commanders.

“O Commander of the Faithful,” said Shurahbil ibn Hasanah, “was I inept
or disloyal?”

“You were neither inept nor disloyal,” answered ‘Umar.

Shurahbil pressed him, “Why then did you remove me from command?”

“I'd be remiss,” ‘Umar replied, “were I to keep you in command after having

found someone stronger than you.”

25.1.2

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YY: 220

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

“O Commander of the Faithful,” Shurahbil asked, “will you vouch for my
honor?”

“T will,” answered ‘Umar, “and indeed, I would not do so if I knew it not
to be true.” Thus ‘Umar stood before the people and vouched for Shurahbil’s
honor. Subsequently he ordered ‘Amr ibn al-‘As to march against Egypt.

Two commanders retained their authority over Syria: Aba ‘Ubaydah ibn
al-Jarrah and Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan. Soon thereafter Aba ‘Ubaydah passed
away, leaving Khalid and his paternal cousin, ‘Iyad ibn Ghanm, as his succes-
sors. ‘Umar confirmed ‘Iyad as commander, but someone complained to him,
“How is it that you have confirmed ‘Iyad ibn Ghanm, when he’s an openhanded
man who gives away whatever is asked of him, but you have dismissed Khalid
ibn al-Walid because he gave without your permission?”**” ‘Umar replied,
“That’s just the way ‘Iyad treats his wealth whenever he happens upon it. Even
so, far be it from me to alter a command issued by Abt ‘Ubaydah ibn al-Jarrah!”

When Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan passed away, ‘Umar appointed his brother
Mu‘awiyah in his place. ‘Umar brought news of his death to Abu Sufyan,
saying, “Abi Sufyan, God has taken Yazid.””°

“May God grant him mercy,” he answered. “Whom have you appointed in
his place?”

“Mu ‘awiyah,’said ‘Umar.

“May the bonds of kinship keep you,” he replied.”**

Then ‘Iyad ibn Ghanm passed away, so ‘Umar appointed ‘Umayr ibn Sa‘d
the Ally in his place as commander. Thus were ‘Umayr and Mu‘awiyah in com-
mand of Syria until ‘Umar was murdered.

‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan then assumed the caliphate and removed “‘Umayr, leav-
ing Syria to Mu‘awiyah. He dismissed al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah from Ktfah
and appointed Sa‘d ibn Abi Waqqas as commander in his place. He dismissed
‘Amr ibn al-‘As from Egypt and appointed ‘Abd Allah ibn Sa‘d ibn Abi Sarh as
commander in his place. He dismissed Abt Musa |-Ash ‘ari and appointed ‘Abd
Allah ibn ‘Amir ibn Kurayz as commander. Later on he also dismissed Sa‘d ibn
Abi Waqqas from Kifah and appointed al-Walid ibn ‘Uqbah as commander
in his place, but when charges of misconduct were brought against al-Walid,
‘Uthman had him scourged and dismissed him,”** appointing Sa‘id ibn al-‘As
in his place as commander.

In the events to follow, the people began to grumble and soon plunged
headlong into the Civil War. Sa‘id ibn al-‘As left for hajj, but when later he

25.1.4

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ail sg dbl y eee tse dbl [lab] \

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

returned from his hajj, he encountered a band of cavalry from Iraq that forced
him to return from al-‘Udhayb. The settlers in Egypt”*® also exiled ‘Abd Allah
ibn Sa‘d ibn Abi Sarh, but the settlers in Basra remained loyal to ‘Abd Allah ibn
‘Amir ibn Kurayz.

Thus began the Civil War, and eventually “Uthman, God grant him mercy,
was murdered. The people pledged their allegiance to ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, and
he sent a letter to Talhah and al-Zubayr: “If you two wish, pledge me your

allegiance; but if you prefer, I shall pledge my allegiance to one of you.” “Nay,”
they replied, “rather we shall pledge allegiance to you.” Soon thereafter, the
two fled to hide in Mecca. There in Mecca, ‘A’ishah, the Prophet’s wife, made
common cause with al-Zubayr and Talhah and aided them in their scheme.
A great number of the Quraysh heeded them and set off for Basra, calling for
vengeance for the spilling of “Uthman’s blood. Those who set off with them
were, among others from the Quraysh, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr, ‘Abd
al-Rahman ibn ‘Attab ibn Asid, ‘Abd al-Rahmaan ibn al-Harith ibn Hisham,”*”
‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, and Marwan ibn al-Hakam. They addressed the
settlers in Basra and informed them that ‘Uthman had been murdered with-
out just cause and that they had come as penitents, repentant of all excesses
they had committed during ‘Uthman’s reign. Most of Basra’s settlers heeded
them, but al-Ahnaf withdrew along with his supporters from the Tamim tribe.
The ‘Abd al-Qays tribe went out to join ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib with all those people
who would heed them.

‘Aishah rode atop a camel of hers named ‘Askar, and she sat inside a howdah
covered by dufuf—meaning cowskin. She called out, “My only wish is that my
presence will restrain the people.” She later said, “Little did I know that hos-
tilities would break out between them. Had I known that, I would have never
have put myself in that position.” ishah continued, “The people did not heed
my words and paid me no mind.”

Thus the battle ensued. Seventy Quraysh were killed that day, and each
of them grabbed onto the halter of ‘Aishah’s camel until it had been slain in
battle. Then they carried the howdah away and placed it inside one of the
encampments nearby. Marwan was severely wounded, Talhah ibn ‘Ubayd

Allah was slain during the battle,”*

and al-Zubayr was murdered after the
battle in Wadi I-Siba‘.*° “Wishah and Marwan made the return journey along
with the remaining Quraysh, and when they had approached Medina, ‘A’ishah

left them behind and headed toward Mecca. Marwan and al-Aswad ibn Abi

25.1.5

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Y¥e 224

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

]-Bakhtari then seized authority over Medina and its inhabitants and domi-
nated its affairs.

War then broke out between ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah. Their expeditionary
forces had reached Medina at the same time as both approached Mecca for
the hajj. Whichever of the two arrived first would provide the leader for the
people to undertake the rites of the hajj season. Umm Habibah, the Prophet’s
wife, sent a message to Umm Salamah, and each said to the other, “Come now,
let’s write to Mu‘awiyah and ‘Ali to convince them to stop terrifying the people
with these armies until the community has reached a consensus on which of
them shall lead.” “You will handle my brother, Mu‘awiya,” said Umm Habibah.
“And you will handle ‘Ali,” replied Umm Salamah. Each wrote to the man she
had chosen and sent a delegation of Quraysh and the Allies. As for Mu‘awiyah,
he paid heed to Umm Habibah, but as for ‘Ali, he was on the verge of heeding
Umm Salamah, but al-Hasan ibn ‘Ali dissuaded him from doing so. Thus did
their expeditions and their leaders continue to head for Medina and Mecca
until ‘Ali, God Almighty grant him mercy, was murdered. It was then that the
people reached a consensus on Mu‘awiyah, with Marwan and Ibn al-Bakhtari
dominating the inhabitants of Medina throughout the Civil War.

Egypt had been under the authority of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, and over it he had
appointed Qays ibn Sa‘d ibn “Ubadah the Ally as commander. He had been
the bearer of the banner of the Allies alongside the Messenger of God at the
Battle of Badr and at other battles as well. The sage counsel of Qays was greatly
esteemed by the people, except when he became embroiled in the Civil War.
Mu‘awiyah and ‘Amr ibn al-‘As were struggling to eject Qays from Egypt and
thus overrun the country, but Qays successfully repelled them with wile and
guile. The two were unable to conquer Egypt until Mu‘awiyah hatched a plot
against Qays ibn Sa‘d to thwart ‘Ali.

Once when Mu‘awiyah was conversing with a Qurashi man known for his
sage counsel, he said, “Never did I conceive of a gambit more daring than the
one I used to ensare Qays ibn Sa‘d in order to thwart ‘Ali. ‘Ali was in Iraq, and at
the time Qays prevented me from taking Egypt. So I said to the Syrians, ‘Don’t
provoke Qays, and don’t call on me to undertake a raid against him. Qays has
now joined our partisans. Several of his letters have come to us containing his
counsel. See now how he treats your brethren who are with him at Kharbata,

how he continues to hand out their salaries and rations, and how he ensures

YY¥O & 225

25.1.6

25.1.7

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YYA 226

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

the safety of their passage throughout his territory. He treats kindly any who
wish to approach him, and he begrudges no one any counsel he has to offer.”
Mu‘awiyah also said, “I took to writing this to my partisans among the Iraqis,
and ‘Ali’s spies who had infiltrated the Iraqis on my side soon heard of this.”
When word reached ‘Ali—and it was ‘Abd Allah ibn Ja‘far and Muhammad
ibn Abi Bakr al-Siddiq who brought it to his attention—he made accusations
against Qays ibn Sa‘d and wrote to him ordering him to attack those who had
settled in Kharbata. At the time, the fighting men settled in Kharbata num-
bered ten thousand. Qays refused to engage them in battle and wrote to ‘Ali,

They are the leaders of the warriors settled in Egypt and their
nobles are known for their dastardly cunning. They are content
with me as long as I ensure the safety of their passage and continue
to distribute their salaries and rations. Indeed, I know their sym-
pathies lie with Mu‘awiyah, but I cannot conceive of any strategy
easier for you or me than that we continue to deal with them as
we do now. Were I to call them to engage me in battle, they would
become united, and these are the basest men of the Arabs, such
as Busr ibn Artaah, Maslamah ibn Mukhallad, and Mu‘awiyah
ibn Hudayj al-Khawlani. So let me deal with them as I see fit, for
I know best because of my acquaintance with them.

But ‘Ali insisted that he engage them in battle. Qays refused to engage them in
battle and wrote again to ‘Ali, saying, “If you harbor doubts against me, then
remove me from my post and send someone else in my place.”

Thus ‘Ali sent al-Ashtar as his commander over Egypt. Eventually al-Ashtar
reached al-Qulzum, and there he drank a draft made from honey that bore
within it his demise. When the news reached Mu‘awiyah and ‘Amr ibn al-‘As,
‘Amr exclaimed, “God’s armies can even be found in honey!” But when news
of al-Ashtar’s death reached ‘Al, he dispatched Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr to be
the commander over Egypt.

When Qays ibn Sa‘d was informed that Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr was
approaching to take command, he went out to meet him in a secluded place so
he could confide in him. Qays said, “You’ve just come from the company of a
man with no knack for conducting war. Now, just because you’re removing me
from office doesn’t prevent me from offering you sound advice. I have quite a

bit of insight into your present situation, so [’ll let you in on the strategy I’ve

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for teil. i [ay

YYA 228

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

been using to get the better of Mu‘awiyah, ‘Amr ibn al-‘As, and those settled in
Kharbata. Use this strategy against them, because you will surely perish if you
seek to dupe them by other means.” Qays proceeded to describe to him the
stratagem by which he had duped them, but Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr thought
him dishonest and did the opposite of everything that Qays said he should
do. So when Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr arrived in Egypt, Qays set off in the
direction of Medina. However, Marwan and al-Aswad ibn Abi1-Bakhtari made
him fear for his safety until he even feared that he would be arrested or killed.
Qays then took his mount and headed up to ‘Ali.

Mu‘awiyah wrote to Marwan and al-Aswad ibn Abi |-Bakhtari in a fury,
saying, “So you two are now aiding ‘Ali by sending him Qays ibn Sa‘d, along
with his counsel and strategic skill? By God, if you had sent a thousand war-
riors to his aid, that would have infuriated me less than exiling Qays ibn Sa‘d
to “Ali!”

Qays ibn Sa‘d approached ‘Ali, and when he explained what had happened
and when news of the murder of Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr had arrived, ‘Ali
realized that Qays had all along seen through the formidable guile of the
gambit, which ‘Ali and all of those who advised him to dismiss Qays had failed
to perceive. ‘Ali then heeded Qays’s counsel for the rest of the war and placed
him over the vanguard of the army of Iraq and those in Azerbaijan and its
hinterlands. ‘Ali also made him the leader of his elite vanguard,**° who had
pledged to die in battle. Thus did the four thousand men who pledged to die
for ‘Ali also pledge allegiance to him. Qays ibn Sa‘d’s strategies continued to
secure the frontier until ‘Ali was murdered.

The Iraqis then chose al-Hasan ibn ‘Ali to be ‘Ali’s successor as caliph.
Al-Hasan was averse to war, but wished, rather, to gain for himself whatever
wealth he could procure from Mu‘awiyah and only then to join the community
in solidarity and pledge his allegiance. Because al-Hasan knew that Qays ibn
Sa‘d would not agree to this, he removed him from command and appointed
‘Ubayd Allah ibn al-‘Abbas as commander in his stead. Once ‘Ubayd Allah
ibn al-‘Abbas discovered what al-Hasan wanted to take for himself, “Ubayd
Allah wrote to Mu‘awiyah seeking a guarantee of safety and stipulating that
he should be able to keep for himself whatever wealth and property he had
gained as spoils. Mu‘awiyah accepted his stipulations and dispatched Ibn
‘Amir against him in command of a mighty host of cavalry. ‘Ubayd Allah went

out to meet them at night, eventually joining their ranks and leaving his own

25.1.8

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The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

forces without a commander. Qays ibn Sa‘d was in their midst, and the elite
vanguard chose Qays as their commander. They swore a convenant with one
another to wage war against Mu‘awiyah and ‘Amr ibn al-‘As until Mu‘awiyah
agreed to guarantee to ‘Alt’s partisans and all who followed them their wealth,
their lives, and all that they had gained as spoils in the course of the strife.
When Mu‘awiyah had finished with ‘Ubayd Allah and al-Hasan, he devoted his
full attention to besting a man whose cunning he regarded as without equal.
Mu‘awiyah had four thousand men at his command. He, ‘Amr, and the settlers
of Syria made camp with them for forty nights, while Mu‘awiyah wrote to Qays
urging him to remember God and saying, “By whose command do you seek to
make war against me?” Mu‘awiyah also said, “The one under whose authority
you fight has pledged me his allegiance!” But Qays refused to recognize him
until Mu‘awiyah sent him a scroll with his seal placed at the bottom. “Write
whatever you wish in this scroll,” said Mu‘awiyah, “for I’ve written nothing in
it. That’s for you to do.”

‘Amr said to Mu‘awiyah, “Don’t give him the scroll! Fight him instead!” But
Mu‘awiyah, who was the better of the two men, replied, “Easy now, Abu ‘Abd
Allah! We’re not going to waste our time fighting these men until just as many
Syrians as they are slain. What good would it do to go on living then? By God,
I will not fight them unless I find no other alternative.” When Mu‘awiyah sent
him that scroll, Qays ibn Sa‘d stipulated his own conditions and demanded
immunity for ‘All’s partians from reprisal for the blood they had spilled and the
property they had seized. Qays asked for no additional wealth in that scroll,
and Mu‘awiyah granted all the conditions he stipulated. Thus did Qays and
those with him join the community in solidarity.

Until the First Civil War had broken out, five men were famed among the
Arabs as men esteemed for their sage counsel and cunning. Numbered among
the Quraysh were Mu‘awiyah and ‘Amr; among the Allies was Qays ibn Sa‘d;
among the Emigrants was ‘Abd Allah ibn Budayl ibn Warqg@ al-Khuza‘; and
among the Thaqif tribe was al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah. Two of these men sided
with ‘Ali: Qays ibn Sa‘d and ‘Abd Allah ibn Budayl. Al-Mughirah, however,
withdrew to Taif and its environs.

When the two Arbiters were appointed, they met at Adhruh.*” Al-Mughirah
ibn Shu‘bah journeyed to visit them both, and the two Arbiters also sent for
‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar and ‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr to come. Many other men
from the Quraysh came as well. Mu‘awiyah journeyed there along with the

ys & 231

25.1.9

25.1.10

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yyy 232

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

settlers from Syria. Aba Musa |-Ash‘ari and ‘Amr ibn al-‘As, who were the two
Arbiters, also journeyed there, but ‘Ali and the settlers from Iraq refused to
make the journey. Al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah asked several Qurashi men of sage
judgment, “Do you reckon that it’s possible to know whether or not these two
arbiters will reach an agreement?” “No one knows for sure,” they replied, so he
said, “Then, by God, I suppose I'll find it out myself once I have the chance to
speak to them and interrogate them one-on-one.”

Al-Mughirah went to see ‘Amr ibn al-‘As and took the matter up with him.
He began by saying, “Abt ‘Abd Allah, answer my questions: How do you regard
those of us who have remained neutral? Indeed, we have had our doubts about
this whole affair, even though it has seemed crystal clear to the rest of you
throughout the fighting. Our view is that we should wait and remain resolute
until the community agrees on a single man, and then join in solidarity with
the community.”

“I regard your pack of neutrals as being beneath the pious,” ‘Amr answered,
“and even beneath that insolent throng of ‘Ali’s!”*

Al-Mughirah departed, having asked ‘Amr nothing else, and went to see
Abu Misa al-Ash‘ari. When he was alone with him, he asked the same ques-
tion he had asked ‘Amr.

“I consider your judgment the most reliable,” Abi Misa said, “and I believe
the rest of the Muslims are with you.” Al-Mughirah then departed, having
asked him no further questions.

Al-Mughirah met again with his sage companions from the Quraysh with
whom he had spoken before and declared, “I swear before you all, these two
will never arrive at a consensus, and that’s even if one were to call the other to
his own opinion!”

When the two Arbiters met together and had begun to negotiate on their
own, ‘Amr said, “Aba Musa, don’t you think that before we determine the truth
of any other matter we should first determine who is loyal and thus deserves
loyalty and who is treacherous and thus deserves to be betrayed?”

“And who would that be?” Aba Misa retorted.

‘Amr continued, “Do you not realize that Mu‘awiyah and the Syrians have
journeyed to the location that we had specified for them?”

“Yes,” he answered.

“Write this down then,” said ‘Amr, and Abi Misa wrote it down. ‘Amr con-

tinued, “Are we not also determined to name a man who will rule over the

yyy & 233

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ye 234

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

Community? So, Abi Misa, name your man. I’m willing to agree with you if
you are willing to agree with me.”

“T nominate ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab,” declared Abt Musa, and
indeed Ibn “Umar was one of those who had remained neutral.

But ‘Amr said, “I nominate to you Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan!”

The two of them met for a long time until, completely at odds, they began
to hurl insults at one another. Then they went out to address the people. Abi
Misa declared, “Listen everyone! I’ve found ‘Amr ibn al-‘As to be the like of
which the Almighty and Glorious God said:

«Tell them the story of the man to whom We gave Our messages:
he sloughed them off, so Satan took him as a follower and he went
astray—if it had been Our will, We could have used these signs to
raise him high, but instead he clung to the earth and followed his
own desires—he was like a dog that pants with a lolling tongue
whether you drive it away or leave it alone. Such is the image of
those who reject Our signs. Tell them the story so that they may

reflect.»”?°?

‘Amr ibn al-‘As declared, “Listen everyone! I’ve found Abt Misa to be the like
of which the Almighty and Glorious God said:

«Those who have been charged to obey the Torah, but do not do
so, are like asses carrying books: how base such people are who
disobey God’s revelations! God does not guide people who do

wrong. 5 264

Then each of the two Arbiters wrote a message conveying the same descrip-

tion of his fellow Arbiter to the garrison cities.

Al-Zuhri said on the authority of Salim, on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar;

Ma‘mar said: Ibn Tawis related to me on the authority of ‘Ikrimah ibn Khalid, on the
authority of Ibn ‘Umar, who said:

One evening Mu‘awiyah rose to speak and, praising God as is His due, said,
“Whoever has a claim over the rule of this community, let him show his face.
I swear by God, no one who shows his face will have a more rightful claim to
it than I, be it he or his father!” Thus did Mu‘awiyah provoke ‘Abd Allah ibn

“Umar.?°>

Y¥o & 235

25.2

ecleg 565 SN ob agp

Ol cvayb a Sabb Fy, silane JB. wales ail awe Ge Je
Sgl oleate aati pe¥l Je abl Ayi6 Sey 3 RE JSb all og
sey 8 She Jo ad Jal, lel gh Shins att yy Sa MS
— JB ATS oy BL ol otdl § Gls LL: al
LCA are Gal data hd ye Gh
dud pHi DAES dogs F lb aay! ad sa) ls
col Obl g UE AL di soy 08 ly % Je ad Jal, Leal
Hb Sly gl Be ey atl ad he oy Cae ts ATS oy SL
bp id UE ching Cut

wen 236

The Expedition of Dhat al-Salasil and the Story of ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah

‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar said, “I threw off my outer cloak, ready to stand
against him and say, “You speak of men who vanquished you and your father
for the sake of Islam!’ But then I was afraid to say anything, lest I risk threaten-
ing the unity of community and cause blood to be shed because I acted against
my better judgment. Almighty God’s promise of Paradise was far dearer to me
than all else. After I had returned to my encampment, Habib ibn Maslamah
came to me and said, ‘What prevented you from speaking up when you heard
that man speak thus?’ ‘Indeed I wanted to, I told him, “but I feared I would
say something that would risk threatening the unity of the community and
cause bloodshed and lead me to act against my better judgment. Almighty
God’s promise of Paradise was far dearer to me than all else’ Habib ibn Masla-
mah then said to ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar, ‘My father and mother’s life for yours!
God has protected you from sin and preserved you from the ruin you feared.”

v¥V & 237

bye yy, ea Cc

ven 236 calle gy Gall ge GL all ye ye Glue
Sy | bye yy. Ce Ue cA bey tle al Joo al Spe Bat
eithol oath pedi dlaul ob Surly d Sly We Ke J Sh sal
sts le Sy OI fe bey ae ath he atl Jy dale SEs oy! chs
a GEN Shayl Gb sae OSL d pal tid gb yo alpl Gb
pill copoly Wel i ale alors bey ale atl Jo ve fue
Boy Jl Sy puis > GS sll pgbl, pdt anil. & lls Ly
ps Ol easy Joons Ao Nall re yy tl

vn DB sete op Gy OF Quek a Jb
tong eat fd Je bey ale ail Jo ail Jy a ELE
‘gh ss ashe J

Bp AE,» Bw ge * PY Bab Be

ran sal JB cb Se
re ail tog Lb SSyai blag «cee bbe se BL a Cone a é
je 24) MBs pL! Jeol! Jl ell bye cy, ce Sle SB 4 Cte
Do OB ade ole SB es le Je! Ob aay, ee G

The Story of al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Tlat

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Thabit al-Bunani, on the
authority of Anas ibn Malik, who said:

said, “O Messenger of God, in Mecca I still have property and family. I want
to go to them, but am I at liberty to claim I defeated you or say something
similar?” God’s Messenger granted al-Hajjaj permission to say whatever he
wished, so when he arrived in Mecca, he went to his wife and said, “Gather
together all that you have, for I want to purchase some of the spoils seized
from Muhammad and his companions. They ve been pillaged, and their wealth
has been seized.” As the news spread around Mecca, the Muslims retreated to
their homes in despair, and the Pagans openly celebrated with delight. Word
reached al-‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, and he sat down as though unable to

ever stand again.

Ma‘mar said: ‘Uthman al-Jazari reported to me on the authority of Miqsam, who said:
Al-‘Abbas took in his arms a son of his named Qutham who looked just like
the Messenger of God. Lying down, he placed him on his chest saying:

Beloved Qutham,
Likeness of him with a noble face,
Prophet of the Lord of abounding grace
In spite of their hatred for him.

Thabit continued: Anas said:

Al-‘Abbas then sent his slave boy to al-Hajjaj with a message: “What ill news
have you brought? What do you have to say? For indeed, what God has prom-
ised is greater than whatever news you bring.” Al-Hajjaj replied, “Convey my
greetings of peace to Abi I-Fad] and tell him that he should seclude himself
in one of the chambers of his house so that I may come see him, for he will

find reason to rejoice from the news I bring.” Al-‘Abbas’s slave boy returned to

Y¥A & 239

26.1

26.2

26.3

bey. ce bine

ach ake SF Op tel ty J6 pad UL cal al
axel ce! Se

Ab GAB bey ae atl Jo al ye dl ages Celok F Jb
iy Jpn) Geely adlyl § SE DE ail cee Sa oily a
OSs (yew OI ge Lajos dul Label ig El the bey ale ail Jo
e) O6U Cie Ss 4o-9) OS (yew ol cybe [gal Bs 49)
Le SAT Go O56 cal yy cadle ay Cad anal dl way bab
sp lace O6L al al Gabi Jb ML S31 4 Oe ge Gel, che
4 le AS | acsbu8 pkey Jo

Stes) jal Shs ce Al as ott de OF Les

Goad Saal atl iY NB, 1S \S 6 1 bd Us jae
Deh, gall ate

SHAG AIS yell Vale Fb ail BA Jel S8
Geel, etlysl gd Di atl ply ary Jey ade atl Lo ddyeny fe ad
hes) Gre ol SF ob Anil Kine bey ale ail Jue al ess
a pe

Bole ably kb 16

elle fe aly Golo aily Gb sJ6

Vy he Vine 7 BL Odeb Ay ap lle GI & Cad Fl
bye y. CE Gels atlae ie VL gree bb Lyell lb Us
Seely ail ple led pry fey ade all Jee dy Jo ILA aS Ol
He EL Ov ee glol dL a, Anil ine bey ace atl Lo ail Jy
ah? cal dl dy del

The Story of al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Tat

him, and when he reached the door of the house, he declared, “Good tidings,
Abi |-Fadl!” Al-‘Abbas then sprang up so joyfully that he kissed the boy right
between the eyes, and when he had told al-‘Abbas all that al-Hajjaj had said,
al-‘Abbas freed the slave then and there.

Later, al-Hajjaj came to al-‘Abbas and informed him that the Messenger of
God had conquered Khaybar and plundered the possessions of its inhabitants;
thus did the arrows of God divide their wealth:*®° “The Messenger of God sin-
gled out Safiyyah bint Huyayy and took her for himself. He gave her a choice:
either she could be freed from bondage and become his wife, or she could
rejoin her people. She chose to be freed and become his wife. However, I came
here for what belongs to me. I wanted to gather it all together and leave with
it, so I sought the Messenger of God’s permission, which he granted me, to say
whatever I had to say. Keep my secret for three nights, then spread the word as
you see fit.” The wife of al-Hajjaj gathered what jewels and belongings she had
with her and handed them over to him, after which al-Hajjaj hastened to depart.

After the third night, al-‘Abbas came to the wife of al-Hajjaj and asked,
“What has your husband done?”

She told him that he had left on such-and-such day, saying, “God will not
bring you shame, Abi I-Fadl. We were greatly aggrieved over what happened
to you.”

“No,” al-‘Abbas replied, “God will not bring me shame. Praise God, only what
we had hoped for came to pass. God the Blessed and Exalted conquered Khay-
bar for his Messenger, and God’s arrows apportioned the shares of their posses-
sions. The Messenger of God singled out Safiyyah, the daughter of Huyayy, and
he took her for himself. If you have need of your husband, go join him.”

“I reckon that you speak the truth,” she replied.

“Indeed, I swear by God that I do speak the truth,” al-‘Abbas responded,
“for the matter is just as I told you.”

Al-‘Abbas then left and came upon the assemblies of the Quraysh, who com-
mented as he passed by them, “Naught but good will come to you, Abt |-Fadl!”
“Naught but good has come to me, praise be to God!” he replied. “Al-Hajjaj
ibn ‘[lat informed me that God has given his Messenger victory at Khaybar,
that God’s arrows have apportioned its wealth, and that the Messenger of God
singled out Safiyyah for himself. Al-Hajjaj asked me to keep his secret for three
nights, for he had only come to reclaim his wealth and property here. After

that, he went on his way!”

ves & 241

ben. gee
tte Gall Jo eal: 6" BI AS Qk als ail 5p 8
Oph cig BI Pe HANS] Ge ES ay 3 OB GA!
Sab fe ap EE MAT ye OSL ley AL ails,

forts be \

vey 242

The Story of al-Hajjaj ibn ‘Tat

So God the Almighty and Exalted removed the Muslims’ despair and cast it
back upon the Pagans. Those Muslims who had entered their homes distraught
now came out to see al-‘Abbas so he could tell them the news. The Muslims
were overjoyed, and God the Almighty and Exalted cast whatever despair,
rage, or sorrow they had suffered back onto the Pagans.

yey & 243

bia pete, Od
Cally pe aes

vv 6 Spel BL y, gl gale oF Ballon oe dh Jlas

sarc 2B Bly QS oe OL al Seal a> i dl LY! 5 FL eo
ee al (e wo bl

BAe Mo i call pal acl

2M Uglazil Jb

ty B56 oy, ye Jlity DUE War SUB eV ys ore HS LAS 2S
wehle dale — Y pladh Si BAIL, Se clo, wills vebs ules

oe Oo SI

de dbakus ces tal he St ole FL ESF SE

leg) Gas) Sb

Be gal eel vl SB etal foo lb SB AL EG 2 i
Shy eye ety ae tl re dass Jo abl BIL Lee Sey Ly Wa on

ole yt eee tels Sols cell wll dees il pall Jes
Lage Nb vis

Lperesinsye es BOD clglell oa wl, Gall cal ssl sr Sts
ical wey JB bey ade tl fo ai!

ANS S63 ls

é Vlas Nd feo led JB ¢

way atl foes Gad Say LU ail OL le oe Hele GB iad SB

Yee 244

The Dispute between ‘Ali and al-‘Abbas”°”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority
of Malik ibn Aws ibn al-Hadathan al-Nasri, who said:

‘Umar ibn al-Khattab sent me a message saying, “The leaders of the house-
holds of your tribe have convened in Medina, and before us lies the task of
giving them a small bit of compensation. You are to divide it between them.”

“O Commander of the Faithful,” I objected, “ask someone else!”

“Come now, man, take it,” he responded.

While I was thus occupied, “‘Umar’s slave-client came to him and said,
“Tt’s “Uthman, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf, Sa‘d ibn Abi Waqgqas, and al-Zubayr
ibn al-Awwam”—I don’t know if he mentioned Talhah or not—“and they all
request permission to see you.”

“Bid them enter, then,” said ‘Umar.

After a while “Umar’s slave-client came again and said, “It’s al-“Abbas and
‘Ali requesting permission to see you.”

“Bid the two to enter,” ‘Umar answered.

After a while, al-‘Abbas entered and said, “O Commander of the Faithful,
render your judgment between me and this man!” Indeed, in those days he
and ‘Ali were embroiled in a dispute over the spoils that God had granted to his
Messenger from the properties once belonging to the Nadir clan.

Those present said, “Give them your judgment, O Commander of the Faith-
ful, for their dispute has lasted far too long.”

“I abjure you by God, by Whose leave the Heavens and the Earth stand!”
‘Umar then declared. “Do all of you not know that the Messenger of God said,
‘We prophets leave no heirs; whatever we leave behind is for charity.’ ?””®

“Yes,” they affirmed, “he indeed said that.”

Next he said something similar to ‘Ali and al-‘Abbas, and they too answered,
“Yes.”

“Umar then said to them, “I will tell you about these spoils. God, the Almighty
and Exalted, sanctified his Prophet by these spoils by granting him a portion
that He bestowed on none other. Thus He decreed «You believers did not have

Yeo @& 245

27.1

27.1.1

WALD

tals papas

Heal eed eral sles) mele) a7 alan apie by ale
Wien Glaiaiedy Lats 6 Weis
aa) Key AEN, Sepolaeol Le al We. Hole bey ae all Je
Aine ea dal Jo 32,088 JU Ba len SSE lee Sx ally od
al Se ae in BU Jat Ae ea dal 5 uty Jblos :J%
Je al Sp Qo th gl UB. Jey ade atl Le atl Jpn Vad Ut
gd bey ade atl Joo atl Spay ot OL 4 Jel ode bey ade all

al fo aly Spb MB a dl Le? Bl, SS rtelly cle fo MET F
Bl SN Gabe bd

Je a byes JF eed oe Gall oS gl ae leh ¢
Sole ai Gl bal Spel Lib yd Gl obey el, Say bey ale al
oh oe thee Ls — ytd ge — lhe G they 3 ¢ HF bah
162) Es Udo elon gl Be je — Vda delay ad
Ogle Baro Le yp Y JB fey ae ail Je ath Jp 3
db Soy Gd JF Le ad Orde lig dilage vble ode Kal Yaol
Slay NS fe LL yest Ug, L bly Sols by ale ah Le
pooled Gy GAY Gail etl og adh Gul, Sd pe ZLib be
Glaloob dpe EE WS ol is

to eae Gor sf Gm fe 6 le
Oe ND aE Se On ae es F Ute

tll & Gale bel? gre ydlac ae ie Jb

foe as Le ‘iW or [ed] \

ver 246

The Dispute between ‘Ali and al-‘Abbas

to spur on your horses or your camels for whatever spoils God turned over to
His Messenger from them. God gives authority to His messengers over whom-
ever He will.»*°? Hence these spoils were for God’s Messenger specifically, and
then, by God, he did not hoard them from you and claim them as his alone;
rather, by God, he divided it all between you and distributed it among you until
nothing remained of it save this property. His household would receive pay-
ment from it annually”—or he perhaps said, “His household would take their
nourishment from it annually”—“then he would consecrate what remained for
God’s charitable cause. When the Messenger of God was taken from this world,
Abi Bakr said, ‘I am the steward of the Messenger of God’s property after his
death, and I shall act in accordance with the actions of the Messenger of God.”

‘Umar then turned to face ‘Ali and al-‘Abbas and declared, “You two claim
that in doing so he acted as a brazen usurper! But God knows that he acted
devoutly and earnestly while following the Truth.”

“After this,” ‘Umar continued, “I became steward over the property after
Abu Bakr, and two years of my rule have now passed. I acted in accordance
with the actions of God’s Messenger and Abt Bakr, and you claim that I too act
as a brazen usurper! But God knows that I have acted devoutly and earnestly
while following the Truth. Now this man’—by whom he meant al-‘Abbas—
“has come to me asking for his inheritance from his nephew; and this man”—
by whom he meant ‘Ali—“has come to me asking for the inheritance of his wife
from her father. So I said, ‘The Messenger of God said, “We leave no heirs;

whatever we leave behind is for charity.”’ To me it seemed prudent to hand
it over to the two of you after I had taken your oath and bond that you would
manage it in accordance with the practices of the Messenger of God, Abt Bakr,
and myself while I acted as its steward.””° You two answered, ‘Hand it over to
us on that condition” Now do you want us to render a different judgment?
I swear by Him by Whose leave the Heavens and Earth stand, I shall not grant
any further judgment than that. If you are unable to manage the property, then
hand it back to me.”

Al-Zuhri added: ‘Ali would later seize control of the estate, and thus it fell
into his hands. Later it fell into hands of al-Hasan, then al-Husayn, then ‘Ali
ibn al-Husayn, then Hasan ibn al-Hasan, and finally into the hands of Zayd ibn
al-Hasan.

Ma‘mar added: And then the property fell into the hands of ‘Abd Allah ibn

al-Hasan. Later, those people would seize it—meaning the Abbasids.””

Ytv & 247

27.1.3

ay WE OSs ye of Call emir Sb las
o bile dha $l db oul bes ale al fe call chal OL

Spey Si fl Sail gat YI Ale gall clest fey al Jo al dey

ree Jl pens Lindyn y ‘bey ail Lo ail

rey AB ye yg oe Sh flae

srw Ade atl fo atl Ips ot elas SLA SM LI tll, ULE SI
SL ghee Ses pede ty Amery Aad oye Anoyl OL: thm Lay ey
ST tu Bide 6 cng Dai bey le atl foo all Spey Sa
fe al Spy ob fF \pal Vail Gly Ulla ye fey ale al Love
hale | ania hey ae al

le Ody by Set Ze yids woth > lb BEB bb ae? Sb
Cbg Udo Toye Sabb ole ell oy Nees (hd OG : Ate CIB SU
fe all Spey ppl Le bb SG 5 rldleges Bail able
os fey ade al

Cpgol te Ae ale Pe ail Jey Sts 4 Jb

faa alee 36

vray fe «Syl atten JL" Ca 25 pill ogy Blail fe SL, Us

Jee Hie yy Ue ach ol oS dol dhe bb VL sl dL S Gil
Ions agit Vf

Sia, yates OI got Lay any os ily cle

wb ile plas coe ele bpm oy ie de BH SK yl Gib Jb
aa idlal yo Le ade catly ail

Ere eg NS ye AL eee Aled Ls ys faery]

Yen 248

The Dispute between ‘Ali and al-‘Abbas

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority
of ‘Urwah and ‘Amrah, who said:

The Prophet’s wives sent a message to Abu Bakr requesting their inheri-
tance from the Messenger of God. ‘A’ishah replied to them, “Don’t you women
fear God? Did the Messenger of God not say, ‘We leave no heir; whatever we
leave behind is for charity’ ?” They were satisfied with her reply and abandoned

their request.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority
of ‘Urwah, on the authority of ‘A’ishah:

Fatimah and al-‘Abbas came to Abi Bakr demanding their inheritance from
the Messenger of God. At the time, they were demanding his land in Fadak and
his share of Khaybar. Abi Bakr said to them, “I heard the Messenger of God say,
“We leave no heirs; whatever we leave behind is for charity” Only Muhammad’s
family can support themselves from this property, and by God, there is no
policy pursued by the Messenger of God that I’ll neglect to pursue myself.”

Fatimah refused to meet with Abi Bakr after that, and she would not speak
to him about the matter for the rest of her life. ‘Ali buried her at night and did not
announce her death to Abi Bakr. ‘Aishah said, “Ali enjoyed a certain amount
of sympathy among the people who admired him while Fatimah was alive, but
when Fatimah passed away, the sympathies of the people left him. Fatimah out-
lived the Messenger of God by six months, and then she passed away.”

Ma‘mar said: A man asked al-Zuhri, “So ‘Ali didn’t pledge his allegiance for
six months?”

“No,” answered al-Zuhri, “and neither did anyone else from the Hashim
clan until ‘Ali had pledged his allegiance.”

When ‘Ali saw that he had lost the sympathy of the people, he hastened to
reconcile with Abi Bakr. He sent a message to Abi Bakr saying, “Come to us,

»¢

but do not bring anyone else with you.” ‘Umar objected to Abu Bakr going to
‘Ali because he knew him to be relentless, so ‘Umar said, “Do not go to them
alone.”

“By God,” replied Aba Bakr, “I will go see the Hashim clan on my own—
what could they possibly do to me?”

Abi Bakr set off to see ‘Ali at his residence, where all the Hashim clan had

gathered. ‘Ali then stood and, praising God as is His due, spoke:

Ye. @& 249

29:3

27-3

27:34

27.329.

rly fede ad

HF de Wale Vy DeLuca | SL cle olbee ab SW oa
hones fe Win GU GB, Lala

3 Shy Se B opdins bey ade al fe atl Spey gy lf HF SE
SAGE

BE lal le ade gly atlad S plays Ae coe Uh

of del Ol Spl fey ade al Jo atl Je ad aly sei
aif oan oF Fey HET pV ode godly SY
eS SU, Rae Le adyg ¥ Sai ey ade ath Je al Sy
BI Joo dh Sys ant GASH Y My Sly. JUN ae bey ade atl Le

al Le Oledato Vad bey ae

Fell Kt Soey se 06

ay eels sae Ele ode F atl Je Jil HIS yl pe tt

Jl oe clay elaaby ae all ge) Sal & on Be de pb?
OS sols tinal, Sool Ate et ill Bb aald S Gi
* Gaplly Vorb Gee SLE} etl

Bo ably LI sg edie Webley les oye [AL] Gpcah bie

The Dispute between ‘Ali and al-‘Abbas

“Now to the heart of the matter, Abi: Bakr—it has not been due to any
refusal to recognize your excellence, nor because of an effort to outstrip the
virtue God has bestowed upon you, that we have not pledged our allegiance
to you. Rather, we regard our leadership of this community as a right that you
have usurped from us.”

‘Ali then spoke of his own kinship with the Messenger of God and the rights
of the Hashim clan; he did not cease speaking until Aba Bakr wept.

When ‘Ali grew silent, Abi Bakr confessed the Oneness of God and praised
God as is His due, and then he declared:

“Now, I swear by God, kinship with the Messenger of God is more precious
to me than even my own ties of kinship. By God, I stopped at nothing to do
right by you all and this property, but I had heard the Messenger of God say,
“We leave no heir; whatever we leave behind is for charity” Only Muhammad’s
family can support themselves from this property. By God, I recall no policy
pursued by God’s Messenger regarding this property that I myself will not
pursue, God willing.”

‘Ali then said, “Nightfall will be the time when you receive the pledge.”

When Abi Bakr had finished the noon prayer, he turned to address the
people and proceeded to pardon ‘Ali for that for which he had previously
sought pardon. Afterward, ‘Ali stood to speak. He extolled the right of Abi
Bakr, may God be pleased with him, as well as his excellence and precedence
in Islam, and then ‘Ali walked over to Aba Bakr and pledged his allegiance to
him. The people turned to ‘Ali and said, “You have done what is right and good.”

‘Vishah commented, “And thus did the people draw near to ‘Ali when he
drew near to Aba Bakr’s rule and to right conduct.”

Yo, & 251

JE Ball eter Hh lae
cats opal Se ‘ol Joa Aly Gol AY olbdl FO
dled ob ill Jo ple ad eee Gace bf Jl

Che 4 Jel ol J ost

Cat Os Hy Ul Ful OB Gus? ey Ku Jer 8 5G A ak
ASE el A Sal! So je Gal f atl eb del §
SOLEY oye pet

olde pli 5 Jb

SUEV 4 2 SG AS ele Lf Sti

phe, yay ge Jb

Po pe iolees Jy Bil S3l MN es ell yay a 3 F
Lele et

Lp tll yy SSK Cry Sete sayy) yl Je

Gal goog] aad al Lal se Sled ah) gl gary Sb

Wed ot aly G was A ale Ub CF del eal gill Slt
ald all ba A DL YU By aL CA jf Of wel
Sal Shey Bele aby chi Day fe od altel ola Oy
ON eM a SE Ae age By He age Olt ee!

The Story of Aba Lw’lwah, ‘Umar’s Assassin?”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said:

“Umar would not permit a single non-Arab to enter Medina, but al-Mughirah
ibn Shu‘bah wrote to ‘Umar, saying, “I own a slave who’s a carpenter, artisan,
and smith; he can be of great benefit to the inhabitants of Medina. If you deem
it fit to permit me to send him, consider it done.”

‘Umar granted him permission, and al-Mughirah levied a payment of two
silver pieces per day from this slave. The slave was called Aba Luwlwah, and he
was originally a Zoroastrian. He remained in Medina as long as God willed, but
then one day he came to ‘Umar complaining about the severity of the levy on
his work, so ‘Umar asked him, “In which crafts do you excel?”

“Iam a carpenter, an artisan, and a smith,” he replied.

“Umar then declared, “Considering the extent to which you excel in your
crafts, your levy is not so great!”

Abu Lwlwah then walked away grumbling.

Another time, the slave passed by “Umar while he was seated, and ‘Umar
said, “Is it true what I’ve been told: that you say, ‘If you want me to fashion a
mill that uses the wind to grind grain, I can’?”

“Indeed,” replied Abu Lwlwah, “I shall build a mill about which the people
shall never cease to speak!”

As Abt Lw wah left, ‘Umar exclaimed, “Did that slave just threaten me with
violence?”

When Abi Luw'lwah resolved to do the deed, he took a dagger and con-
cealed it. Then he crouched down in one of the corners of the mosque waiting
for ‘Umar. ‘Umar had set out before daybreak to wake the people for prayer,
and when he passed by, Abi Luwlwah lunged toward him and stabbed him
three times. One of the wounds was under “Umar’s navel and that was the one
that killed him. Aba Lwlwah stabbed twelve other men in the mosque; six of
them died, and six survived. Then he slit his own throat with his dagger and
died.

Yor @ 253

28.1

LNA

Oye Gayle catty ot Sb

al Bad gb Ub Cae GIA jal oy Joy Gil

Sop) ba
Bee. gene tlh jad SB Gale ge

JB rte galas Geb xs asl Sb

del Ate SS Balj stlbal So Lei! oy Gis tle LLP
Dhall Vag ed J Ese dls jel &

| yell pol | aa! bles : Sl
Syl jel Jb ¢ oe Jb

plol 24 SB ley al ly sey ey! & b> VALLI Je
eo Cs dopey de Mall

Ib CMe oboe HUI ILE cals wD dbe rte yl J
Sell yl yb yy ok Olt pt

aad oy 3psll pe al jue yh) gl aod cls

chal geoph pl chs dl aol Gla yy 6 Ul dey
3) gail 20

we Guldley GK fe pt | Gl dadl lal Le Ss
BS J OAS BITS a ase

sole F opull a oka coll Std ce oP Gy old ob atl
Leah aly lage gel spill clan Cilla Shs ae Gt old AT

glee Go| Gre f Se

You 254

The Story of Aba Lu’lu’ah, ‘Umar’s Assassin

Ma‘mar commented: I heard someone other than al-Zuhri say:
An Iraqi settler threw a burnoose over him, and when he was caught inside,

he slit his own throat.

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said:
When ‘Umar began to fear that he would bleed to death, he said, “Have
‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf lead the people in prayer.”

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Abd Allah ibn al-‘Abbas related to me, saying:

A group of the Allies and I carried ‘Umar to his residence and laid him down
inside. He remained unconscious until dawn. A man said, “Only ifyou mention
the prayer will you be able to frighten him back to his senses!”

So we said, “O Commander of the Faithful, the prayer!”

‘Umar then opened his eyes and asked, “Have the people prayed?”

“Yes,” we replied.

“Islam will not bring good fortune to those who abandon prayer” —or per-
haps ‘Umar said, according to Ma‘mar, “those who neglect prayer.” After that
he prayed, though his wound bled profusely.

Ibn ‘Abbas continued: Then ‘Umar told me, “Go out and ask the people who
stabbed me.” I set out, and when I came upon the people gathered together,
I said, “Who has stabbed the Commander of the Faithful?”

“Abi Luwlwah, the enemy of God and al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah’s slave—he
stabbed him!” they answered.

I returned to ‘Umar, who was waiting for me to bring the report. I said,
“O Commander of the Faithful, God’s enemy Abi Lwlwah stabbed you!”

“God is Great!” exclaimed ‘Umar. “Praise be to God, who ensured that my
assassin would not vie with me on the Day of Resurrection over a single pros-
tration made to God!””* I did not suspect that the Arabs would kill me.”

Shortly thereafter a doctor came to see him. He poured ‘Umar date wine
to drink,””* and it came out from his belly. “This is the redness of blood,” the
people said. Later a different doctor came to him and poured him milk to drink,
and the milk came out glistening white. The one who poured the milk for him
then said to him, “Make your testament, O Commander of the Faithful.”

» ©

“The man from the Mu‘awiyah clan?” has told me the truth,” ‘Umar

responded.

Yoo @ 255

28.2

28.3

28.4

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Fh oF ble of Gall Sb
6 Stes SF Ob ed ag 5B Hull gO GL ts Yl De
Selly yal # dy ste dys SS

SB AE x spl ye patlne par Gk Gall IG Le J

J cy ad ese Sogill abl yy MURA Gye, gal ae Gil
Laily SEbALIYI Jes gobtb ogbsal Jed Ct garg ail Lob
tala Jal oot iy Bo GL pale Lash pelea es AS LS
ab Lad IEE lye F Shgbsel Sy rb agers lai ys
eal SBF ce ye lyb F Shyb LU ngyesd Lauy hy w)l J
yds OF J a SBE ace yt 6b Sigh olel wierd Ele J
Tae Ol) Vi lige pb aes fb

Fly Mab yells LL ptll Fl pp oth nee Lee
Jb ¢ Ade

J EL AE Ole oe IP rll Go GP oa Ul
Ail Jyeey Rady aeady ilies al Age UE L he SBE Se ai
4, SE Ley fey ade atl ro es ny atl OB Jo Gl bey ale atl Le
Sone oe Obie!

a J

Yor 256

The Story of Abt Lu’lu’ah, ‘Umar’s Assassin

Al-Zuhri said, on the authority of Salim, on the authority of Ibn “Umar:

Next ‘Umar called for the group of six: ‘Ali, ‘Uthman, Sa‘d, ‘Abd al-Rahman,
and al-Zubayr—I don’t know if he mentioned Talhah or not. Then ‘Umar
declared, “I have examined the people, and I have not seen discord in their
midst. If discord does arise, then it shall be from you. Arise now, convene to
consult one another, and appoint one of your number as Commander of the
Faithful.”

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri said: Humayd ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman related to me on the authority of
Miswar ibn Makhramah, who said:

‘Abd al-Rahmaan ibn ‘Awf came to see me on the third night that the Shura
was being held.”’° After as much time had passed into the night as God willed,
he found me asleep. He said, “Wake him up!” They woke me up, whereupon he
said, “Did I just find you sleeping? By God, sleep has hardly touched my eyes
these past three nights. Go now, and call these persons to come see me”—all of
whom were either early converts to Islam or from the Allies. I called for them
to come, and ‘Abd al-Rahman spoke to them alone inside the mosque for a
long time. Later, when they stood up to leave, ‘Abd al-Rahman said, “Call for
al-Zubayr to come, as well as Talhah and Sa‘d.” I called for them to come, and
he conferred with them for some time. Again they stood up to leave, and ‘Abd
al-Rahman said to me, “Call for ‘Ali to come.” I called for him to come, and
‘Abd al-Rahman conferred with him for a long time. Then ‘Ali stood to leave,
and ‘Abd al-Rahman said to me, “Call for ‘Uthman to come.” I called for him to
come, and when ‘Abd al-Rahman began to confer with ‘Uthman nothing inter-
rupted them until the call for the morning prayer.

Suhayb then led the people in prayer.””” When he had finished, the people
gathered around ‘Abd al-Rahman, who praised God and then proceeded to
declare:

“Now, I have examined the people, and I have found none among them
equal to ‘Uthman. And you, ‘Ali, take care not to expose yourself to reproach.
You, ‘Uthman, do you accept the burden of God’s testament and His covenant,
His pact and that of His Messenger, and that you shall act in accord with God’s
Scripture and the practice of His Prophet and with the precedent of the two
caliphs who came after him?”

“Yes,” answered ‘Uthman.

Yov @& 257

28.5

28.6

ret ela: ae al

werent! ‘ide dts Ede Shed ple yl awe . CPE

Belay. oer core neta oeae Jb
soph Je Ms tat

hull yaw Geb Sal Je

cee 68 yo JB Sale GAL Suly galas dl
A ree Zee peat lg As a) Gly dudes Step! Ul
sgled Uy feb FSU ly Wb yaa JB aden Sale OL,
oe jlae C8 GA coll fo

J Shep Bl Ge Genel Jo Sime yy, ail ae ob SB
oe SEP SSL Ope ber OG de ULE & Ge!
abel cal VAY Y SB cael p deg ld eel atl aye 0d ads

hed at he 4 GAIUS olesd Elna OG Ani SIF

fell CABG Yee PLY £5 Ire le HY Gl el Gl?
Aghal, Jo dey

AS Ee Seal SAA Vaaly yb gay oy SEL Gat IZ
aly atl gl sd Ode ab lal oo rts ae a Lees
NY taped Geel SE Geld gg abl Se ae lyf ol aiylys
snes LULL Let aul Jeb GUE all tf oll led (el

for tails Sl [gy]

The Story of Abt Lu’lu’ah, ‘Umar’s Assassin

‘Abd al-Rahman then placed his hand on ‘Uthman’s and pledged him his
allegiance, and the people pledged their allegiance soon thereafter, as did ‘Ali.

Later, as ‘Ali left, Ibn ‘Abbas met up with him and said, “You were deceived.”

“Was that indeed deception?” ‘Ali replied.

‘Uthman acted in accordance with the precedent of his predecessors for six
years, falling short in nothing for a full six years; however, after that the old

man became feeble and frail and others dominated his rule.

Al-Zuhri said: Sa‘ld ibn al-Musayyab reported to me that:

‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr—whom we’ve never known to lie—said at the
time that “Umar was killed, “I once came upon Hurmuzan, Jufaynah, and Abi
Lu lwah as they were discussing something in secret. I startled them, so they
jumped up, and out from their midst fell a dagger with a blade on both ends, its
handle in the middle.” ‘Abd al-Rahman later said, “Look to see with what type
of weapon ‘Umar was killed.” They looked and found the dagger just as ‘Abd
al-Rahmaan had described it.

Thus it was that “‘Ubayd Allah ibn “Umar set off with his sword sheathed
until he reached Hurmuzan, whereupon he said, “Get up. Let’s take a look at
one of my horses.” Hurmuzan had extensive knowledge of horses, so he set out
walking in front of “‘Ubayd Allah. ‘Ubayd Allah then raised his sword to strike
him, and when he felt sting of the sword, he cried, “There is no god but God!”
and “Ubayd Allah killed him.

Next he went to Jufaynah, who was a Christian. “Ubayd Allah summoned
him over and when Jufaynah got within striking distance, he attacked him with
his sword, and Jufaynah made the sign of the cross between his eyes.

Lastly he came to Abi Lw’lwah’s daughter, a small girl who claimed to have
embraced Islam, and killed her. Thus did a dark shadow fall over Medina and
its people that day.

‘Ubayd Allah then turned around with his sword blazing in his hand,
“By God I won't leave a single captive alive in Medina, or anyone else!” and
it seemed as though he was alluding to certain individuals from the Emi-
grants.”’* They started to say, “Throw down your sword!” but he refused, and
they were too terrified to go near him. At last ‘Amr ibn al-‘As came and said,
“Give me the sword, nephew!” “Ubayd Allah gave ‘Amr the sword, and then
“Uthman jumped up and grabbed him by the head, and the two scuffled with

279

one another*”” until the people stepped between them.

Yo. @& 259

28.7

BE PENG Fill Jeo G de lyatl J ole 5 Us
Jl lll oy sola Jy ake ly pllale LLB Fy atlas Ge
Naadeny Qhapglh abl Sp sil aul aged I Ogsazty peal

IK ON Decl 8 ai SL geal vel b SU Gell y, oF pls SE
MOU Vy pW Mae SOUL ULE oy ott Jo ally VI lhe
UE Gary of Ad Jo lll FH SE geal wll ae pt
AL, le)!

hevA 36 MOL ey atlas Be Gael, weal Sb

Acany Slane)! SB Je atl ye ol ol daaie abl a,

uvA SB CFIA aide yl IE AL alas Gel, Gal Je

fle Loar ony py Steps El

seNA Sapl ye Jb, sa Sb
Ay ager 8 Gly Ayly Anions Share)! Ly bh OU Stes

The Story of Abt Lu’lw’ah, ‘Umar’s Assassin

When ‘Uthman was made ruler, he declared, “Lend me your counsel con-
cerning this man, who has sowed such dissension in Islam’—by whom he
meant ‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Umar. The Emigrants advised ‘Uthman to kill him,

“ec

but the majority of the people said, “‘Umar was killed only yesterday—do you
wish to make his son follow him to his grave today? God damn Hurmuzan and
Jufaynah!”

‘Amr ibn al-‘As stood and declared, “May God spare you of this matter while
you have authority over the people! Indeed, this matter did not transpire when
you were in power. Pardon him, O Commander of the Faithful!” The people
dispersed after hearing ‘Amr’s oration, and ‘Uthman paid the blood price for

the two men and the girl.

Al-Zuhri said: Hamzah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar reported to me that his father, ‘Abd Allah 28.8
ibn ‘Umar, said:

May God have mercy on Hafsah if she was indeed the one who spurred on
‘Ubayd Allah to kill Hurmuzan and Jufaynah.”*°

Al-Zuhri said: ‘Abd Allah ibn Tha‘labah—or he said, “the son of his tribe’s ally”—al-Khuzai, 28.9
who said:

I saw al-Hurmuzan raise his hand as he prayed behind ‘Umar.

Ma‘mar said: someone other than al-Zuhri said: 28.10
“‘Uthman said, “I will assume responsibility for al-Hurmuzan, Jufaynah, and
the girl, and will pay their blood price.”

YAN & 261

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deer ly SB wll bee gy, prslaty Slits Be ob yo fle

Ob Glas axes rll b O)5 Gl Sts goby Gl ane Jb

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Ws F cene tlh jal \dgel “ pee if cbal ES
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oS dal

vA 262

The Story of the Shura**

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority
of Salim, on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar, who said:

When ‘Umar had been stabbed, he called for ‘Ali, ‘Uthman, ‘Abd al-Rahman
ibn ‘Awf, and al-Zubayr—and I believe he also mentioned Sa‘d ibn Abi
Waqqas—and said, “I have examined the state of the people and have not
found any discord in their midst. If discord does appear, then it shall be from
you. What’s more, your people will recognize one of you as Commander of the
Faithful in three days’ time. And you, ‘Ali, if you find yourself in power over
the affairs of the people, be mindful of God and do not burden them with the

rad

yoke of the Hashim clan

Ma‘mar said: someone other than al-Zuhri said:

Do not burden the people with the yoke of the Abt Rukanah clan!”*”

Ma‘mar said: al-Zuhri continued his report related on the authority of Salim, from Ibn
“Umar:

“Umar said, “And you, ‘Uthman, if you find yourself in power, be mindful of
God and do not burden the people with the yoke of the Aba Mu‘ayt clan!?**
And you, ‘Abd al-Rahman, if you find yourself in power over the people’s
affairs, be mindful of God and do not burden the people with the yoke of your
kin. Go now, assemble the Shura, and appoint one of you as Commander of the
Faithful.” They then rose up to convene the Shura.

‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar said, ““Uthman called on me to come participate
in the Shura, for ‘Umar had not appointed me to the assembly. When they
persisted in calling me to attend, I replied, ‘Do you not fear God? Will you
appoint a new ruler while the Commander of the Faithful still lives?’ It was as
if my words awakened ‘Umar, for he then called for them and commanded,
‘Proceed slowly and let Suhayb lead the people in prayer; then convene the

yw & 263

29.1

29.2

29.3

Gy diye
ash A LLB SY pee Sl colt bly Fy Jb
Sg Gall jaw OSV

tn All Sb
© Sis! oe Ol 998 by OPS Ae ad Ste Neer of OL We

cp Gol aly Lally payne fo cab Ub rpall Jb eb aly

AU eI Ayal VEU Sod oe Ae Vs Las y ald

ese REP ¢ i \

The Story of the Shura

Shura. By the third day, you must come to a consensus on who will lead you,
and also on who will command the armies; but if anyone attempts to lead
without convening a Shura of Muslims, kill him!”

Ibn ‘Umar continued, “By God, I am glad I was not with them, for I barely

saw ‘Umar’s lips move except to say what words he uttered then.””**

Al-Zuhri said:

When ‘Umar died, they gathered together. ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf said to
them, “Ifyou all wish, I can choose one of your number,” and so they appointed
him to the task. Al-Miswar said, “Never have I seen the like of ‘Abd al-Rahman.
By God, there was not a single Emigrant, or Ally, or anyone else known for
their sage judgment, with whom he did not consult that night.”

Y10 = =—-& 265

29.4

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Ca 5 Koll 956

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Je Bgl ub yee JI i hey ale atl bo ll ad v28 wily olbd|
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Suis Anke al 3p SB WG OR age Cid 15 Gal Ol age
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le & acy

SB Sal geet or Slane

age All Cary (TAN days Lab St oh alle Ciel de (1
Ale Shia Viye Bae al ee dell ES aye ce et ay

vv 266

The Expeditions to al-Qadisiyyah and Elsewhere

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said:

The Messenger of God appointed Usamah ibn Zayd as the commander of an
army in whose ranks were ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab and al-Zubayr, but the Prophet
was taken from this world before that army could proceed. Usamah, who did
not set out until after Abi Bakr had been given the pledge of allegiance, said to
Abu Bakr when he pledged his allegiance, “The Prophet ordered me to go and
do what had to be done, but now I fear that the Arabs will soon apostatize.”*°
Still, if you wish, I will remain by your side until you see what transpires.”

“Far be it from me to cancel a command issued by the Messenger of God,”
Abi Bakr replied, “but if you wish to give leave to ‘Umar to stay, then do so.”

Usamah gave ‘Umar leave to stay and then set out, eventually arriving at the
place the Messenger of God had commanded him to go. A thick fog overtook
them so that each man could barely see his comrade. They found a man who
lived in that land, and captured him so he would show them the path to their
destination. Thus they raided the place they had been commanded to raid.
When the people heard that, they began to say to one another, “You all claim
that the Arabs have become disunited, but their cavalry is in such-and-such
place?” But God spared the Muslims from that.

Usamah was called “the Commander” until he died. People would say,
“The Messenger of God commissioned him, and no one dismissed him until
he died.”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, who said:

When ‘Umar became caliph, he dismissed Khalid ibn al-Walid and
appointed Aba “Ubaydah ibn al-Jarrah as commander. ‘Umar dispatched his
edict to Abi ‘Ubaydah while he was in Syria at the Battle of Yarmtk. The edict

vA & 267

30.1

30.2

¥c¥s

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SE Jo bags gl abd, ll ttl asl dss AS] wll para

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Mee Yeo ALL bi ooh \

YU 268

The Expeditions to al-Qadisiyyah and Elsewhere

remained with Abu ‘Ubaydah for two months, and he did not inform Khalid of
its existence out of deference to him. Khalid then said, “Listen, man, produce
your edict! We will heed you and obey. By my life, the dearest of people to us
has died, and now the most malicious toward us rules!””** Aba ‘Ubaydah then
placed Khalid in command of the cavalry.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority
of Salim, on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar:

Ma‘mar said: Ibn Tawis also related to me on the authority of ‘Ikrimah ibn Khalid, on
the authority of Ibn ‘Umar, who said:

I entered Hafsah’s house, even though her hair still dangled in wet locks,
and said, “The leadership of the people has been decided just as you suspected,
and I now have nothing to do with the affair!”

“Go join them,” Hafsah said, “for they are expecting you. I fear that conflict
will arise if you remove yourself from them.” She would not leave him be until
he went. Once the two arbiters disagreed, Mu‘awiyah delivered his oration,

saying, “Whoever has a claim to make, let him show his face!””*”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Ayyub al-Sakhtiyani, on the
authority of Humayd ibn Hilal, who said:

At the battle of al-Qadisiyyah, Qays ibn Makshth al-‘Absi was in command
of the cavalry and al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah in command of the infantry. Sa‘d
ibn Abi Waqqas was in command of all the forces.

Qays said, “I witnessed the battles of Yarmtk, Ajnadayn, Baysan, and Fahl,
but never have I seen such numbers as today, nor such an array of iron and
warcraft. I swear by God that the army stretches as far as the eye can see.”

Al-Mughirah said, “This is merely Satan frothing at the mouth! If we attack
them, then God will cause them to turn against one another. Surely I'll never
find you if I attack them with my infantry and then you attack with your cav-
alry from the rear. Rather, keep your cavalry at the ready, and attack whoever
draws near to you.”

Aman then stood and declared, “God is great! I see the earth behind them!”

“Be seated!” al-Mughirah retorted. “Standing and talking before battle will
lead to failure. If any of you wishes to flee, let him flee no farther from where his

spear is planted.” Later al-Mughirah said, “I shall wave my banner three times.

YVW & 269

30.3

30.4

la pb5 ewolill 836
See Gb Wel J i ae Lg gs Ale gia LA Lge
SO ae bey lt IE gel ale Ol Jee BIW LSS SE
SF yar fe mean ail jad 2d ra 6s nade Stay Ghales oe
bed Ve ge oly gl gen Sob TLS OG IVS

sFiyte po 0e| Sol} Jab gb Ger DATS (... Lhe) Gell )

The Expeditions to al-Qadisiyyah and Elsewhere

When I wave it the first time, make ready for battle. When I wave it a third
time, ready yourselves to attack” —or he said, “Attack!”—“for I will attack.”

Al-Mughirah waved his banner the third time and then attacked, and he
was wearing two coats of mail. We didn’t reach him until he had twice inflicted
piercing attacks into their ranks and his eye had been gouged out. Then the
victory came. God caused them to fall upon one another until they formed a
great heap, such that whoever wanted to seize one or two of them to kill could
easily do so.

Yv\ & 271

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ae at

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Sle ge ts UI

lel sell

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Lal Jguwy b poole

Sati ae bey ale ail Le Ail Spur) Ral S ctrl Jb

fo aes Le be [4 ce] Yo ey abl boy [Oe] Yee Hebe tb oe [SH]

YvY 272,

The Marriage of Fatimah

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of Ayyub, on the authority
of ‘Ikrimah and Aba Yazid al-Madini, or one of the two (the doubt is Aba Bakr’s),”** that
Asm@ bint ‘Umays said:

When Fatimah was brought to ‘Ali as a bride, we found nothing in his house
save a floor of packed sand, a pillow stuffed with palm fibers, and a single
earthen jar and jug. The Prophet sent ‘Ali a message saying, “Don’t plan to do
anything” —or he said: “Stay away from your kin”’—“until I come to see you.”
When the Prophet came, he said, “Is my brother there?” Umm Ayman, a righ-
teous woman from Abyssinia who was the mother of Usamah ibn Zayd, said,
“O Prophet of God! ‘Ali is your brother, and you have married your daughter
to him?” For indeed, the Prophet had sealed a pact of brotherhood between
his companions, and he had made the brotherhood pact between ‘Ali and him-
self.?°° “That is so, Umm Ayman,” the Prophet replied.

The Prophet then called for a vessel filled with water, and uttering over it
whatever words God willed him to say, he anointed ‘Ali with the water on his
chest and face. Next he called for Fatimah, and as she stood up, she was so
bashful that she stumbled over the hem of her garment. The Prophet sprinkled
some of the water on her and spoke to her as God willed, and finally he said,
“I have not neglected you. I have married you to the man who is the dearest to
me of all my people.”

Later on the Prophet saw a dark shape from beyond the partition—or from
beyond the door—so he said, “Who is it?”

“Asma,” she responded.

“Asm@ bint ‘Umays?” he asked.

“Yes, O Messenger of God.”

“Have you come to honor God’s Messenger and his daughter?” he asked her.

“Yes,” said Asma’, “for tonight the girl’s marriage shall be consummated,
and she should have a woman by her side. Should the need arise, she can let

her know.”

yvy & 273

31.1

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of opt Ae Le b o [ 989] vo bate ly fon able cb cy [lg]

Yve 274

The Marriage of Fatimah

The Prophet then prayed an invocation to God on my behalf, and indeed
this deed is the one for which I’m most certain God will reward me. Later he
said to ‘Ali, “Take your wife unto yourself.” Then the Prophet departed and
turned away, but did not cease praying to God on their behalf until he had
disappeared behind the walls of his home.

‘Abd al-Razziq, on the authority of Yahya ibn al-‘Ala’ al-Bajali, on the authority of his
uncle Shu‘ayb ibn Khalid, on the authority of Hanzalah ibn Sabrah ibn al-Musayyab, on
the authority of his father, from his grandfather, on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, who said:

Men would often ask the Messenger of God for Fatimah’s hand, but the
Prophet turned away every single man who asked until, eventually, they gave
up all hope of marrying her. Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh met with ‘Ali and said, “By God,
I think the Messenger of God only withholds her for your sake.”

“What makes you think that?” asked ‘Ali. “I am neither a man who pos-
sesses great wealth to which I can lay claim—he knows I have neither gold
nor silver—nor am I an infidel who will be swayed to abandon his religion for
her”—that is, to have his heart turned by her—“Rather,” he continued, “I am
the first to have embraced Islam!”

“I beg of you,” Sa‘d said, “only you can grant me solace from the thought of
her—that would be a great relief to me.”

“What should I say?” asked ‘Ali.

“You should say,” Sa‘d answered,
to ask for the hand of Fatimah bint Muhammad!”

“ec

I have come to God and His Messenger

‘Ali went before Muhammad while he was in prayer, but he was dumb-
founded and unable to speak. “‘Ali, are you in need of something?” asked the
Prophet.

“Yes,” he answered, “I have come to God and His Messenger to ask for the
hand of Fatimah bint Muhammad!”

The Prophet answered him with a feeble “Welcome.”

‘Ali then returned to Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh, who asked him, “What did you do?”

“T did just as you instructed me,” ‘Ali answered, “but he said no more than
a feeble “Welcome.”

“By the One who sent him with Truth,” Sa‘d exclaimed, “he’s given her to

you in marriage! There’s no turning back now, and he never lies. I adjure you!

Vo & 275

31.2

31.2.1

31.252

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el Ola yy ale

vv 276

The Marriage of Fatimah

Tomorrow you must go to him and say, ‘O Prophet of God, when will you
permit me to consummate the marriage?’”

“This is even more unbearable than the first,” ‘Ali replied. “Can’t I just say,
“O Messenger of God, I am in need’?”

“Say what I instructed you to say,” Sa‘d insisted.

‘Ali set out to see the Prophet and said, “O Messenger of God, when shall
you permit me to consummate the marriage?”

“The third night, God willing,” he answered.

Soon thereafter the Prophet called for Bilal, saying, “Bilal, I have wedded
my daughter to my cousin, and it would please me if the holding ofa feast in cel-
ebration of matrimony were to become my community’s established custom.
So bring a sheep and get hold of a lamb, too, as w ell as four or five measures
of grain; then bring me a wide bowl. Perhaps I will gather the Emigrants and
Allies together. When you've finished, let me know.” Bilal departed and did
all he had commanded him, and at last brought him the bowl and placed it
in front of him. The Messenger of God then plunged his hand into the bowl,
saying, “Let the people enter to see me group by group, and do not permit
any group to leave and go somewhere else!”—meaning that, once a group had
finished, it would not go out again. The people started to arrive, and when one
group finished, another would arrive until, eventually, everyone had finished.
Next the Prophet chose the choicest portion of the feast, which he spat upon
and blessed,”*° saying, “Bilal, take this to your Mothers, the Mothers of the
Believers,”*' and tell them, ‘Eat, and feed whoever comes to you.”

The Prophet then rose up to go and visit his wives. He said, “I have wedded
my daughter to my cousin, and you know her stature in my eyes. Now I shall
present her to him, God willing, so go prepare your daughter.” The women
then set about adorning her with their perfumes and jewelry. The Prophet
entered, and when the women saw him, they went behind the curtain that
separated them from the Prophet. Asma bint ‘Umays stayed behind, so the
Prophet said to her, “Be at ease. Who are you?”

“I am the one who will keep watch over your daughter,” she answered, “for
tonight the girl’s marriage is to be consumated. She will need a woman to be
by her side so that, if a problem arises and she wants something, she can let
her know.”

The Prophet replied, “I shall ask my God to watch over you, protecting you
from your front and back and your right and left from Satan the Accursed.””°”

YVvV & 277

31.2.3

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a) roped oy oy MLL SL pl yy ase oe Gall ye at oe dh Jlae

The Marriage of Fatimah

The Prophet then called out for Fatimah. She drew near, and when she
saw ‘Ali seated next to the Prophet, she hesitated and wept. Worried that her
weeping was because ‘Ali had no wealth, the Prophet said, “Why do you cry?
My heart has not neglected you. I have sought out for your sake the man dear-
est to me of all my people. I swear by Him whose hand holds my soul, I married
you to one blessed in this life and who shall number among the righteous in
the next.”

Asma then joined Fatimah, and the Prophet said, “Bring me a basin and fill
it with water.” Asma brought the basin and filled it with water. The Prophet
spat in the basin and cleansed his feet and face therein. Next he called for
Fatimah and, taking a handful of water, he poured it over her head and then
poured another handful over her bosom. After that he sprinkled his skin and
her skin with water and then, having finished the task, he said, “O Lord, she is
from me, and I am from her. O Lord, as you have cleansed me of filth and have
purified me, so purify her.”””

The Prophet then called for another basin and called ‘Ali over. He did to
‘Ali as he had done to Fatimah, and prayed over him just as he had prayed over
her. “Rise, go to your chamber,” he said, “for God has made you one. He has
hallowed your union and brought you to a good life.” Then he stood and closed
the door behind them himself.

Ibn ‘Abbas said: Asma@ bint “‘Umays related to me that she watched the
Prophet as he continued to pray for them alone, mentioning no one else in his

prayer, until he disappeared behind the walls of his home.

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Waki‘ ibn al-Jarrah, who said: Sharik reported to me on
the authority of Aba Ishaq that:

When ‘Ali married Fatimah, she said to the Prophet, “You’ve married me to
a little bleary-eyed man with a big belly!”

“Rather,” the Prophet replied, “I married you to a man who was the first of
my companions to become a Muslim, a man possessing a mind more learned

and a bearing more formidable than them all.”

‘Abd al-Razzaq, on the authority of Ma‘mar, on the authority of al-Zuhri, on the authority of

“Urwah ibn al-Zubayr, who said that Usamah ibn Zayd related to him that:

YvA & 279

31.2.4

31.3

31.4

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shesy ache atl oe atl Jyny 2 Led wel be ey J allie

Sila Of

a5 My KF ban be atl Jicy dey adnZl,

The Marriage of Fatimah

The Prophet was riding on a donkey saddled with velvet from Fadak,
and Usamah was following close behind him. He was paying a visit to Sa‘d
ibn ‘Ubadah in the quarter of the clan of al-Harith ibn al-Khazraj, and this
was before the Battle of Badr. Eventually he passed by a mixed assembly of
Muslims, pagan idolaters, and Jews. ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy ibn Salul was in their
midst, and at the assembly too was ‘Abd Allah ibn Rawahah.

When the beast kicked up dust into the assembly, ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy
covered his nose with his cloak, saying, “Don’t cover us in dust!” The Prophet
greeted them with peace and stopped, after which he dismounted and began
to call them to worship God and recited the Qur’an to them. ‘Abd Allah ibn
Ubayy then said to him, “Listen, man, if what you say is true, then wouldn’t it
be better not to trouble us at our assembly? Go back to your mount, and if one
of us comes to you, then tell them your stories!”

Ibn Rawahah retorted, “Come to our assembly, for we enjoy it.”

The Muslims, the Pagans, and the Jews all began to curse one another until
they resolved to fight it out, but the Prophet worked long and hard to calm
them down. He then got back on his donkey and eventually arrived at Sa‘d
ibn ‘Ubadah’s home. “O Sa‘d,” he said, “did you hear what Abt Hubab said?”—
by whom he meant ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy—“He said this and that.”

“Pardon him, O Messenger of God,” Sa‘d pleaded, “and be forgiving. By God,
God has now given you that which He has given you, but the people of this
settlement had previously decided to crown him as their ruler’—meaning
to make him their king—“and to crown him with the leader’s turban. The
Almighty and Blessed God brought these plans to naught through the Truth
He bestowed upon you, and that’s stuck in his craw; so that is why he treated
you as you saw today. So pardon him, O Messenger of God.”

Here ends the Book of Expeditions

Praise be to God, the One, and may God’s blessing be upon
our Master Muhammad, his Kinsfolk, and his Companions.

YAY & 281

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Notes

I.e., the sacred precincts encompassing the cultic centerpiece of Mecca: the cubed
structure known as the Kaaba. Tradition asserts that at this time the Kaaba had not yet
become the object of a monotheistic cult of worship but rather was the principal cultic
site of the local pagan religion focused on the worship of idols housed therein. As a cultic
center, it was forbidden to wage war within its environs. The early tradents of this tradi-
tion thus regarded the siege as a sacrilegious one.

“the Elephant Troop” (Ar. ashab al-fil): see Q 105, Strat al-Fil, which alludes to Mecca’s
deliverance from a Christian army remembered for its war elephant. Islamic histori-
cal and exegetical tradition relates these events, imbuing them with legendary details
that are often contradictory and irreconcilable. The historical personality that led the
Elephant Troop was a Christian regent for Abrahah, the negus of Axum (located in
modern Ethiopia). From his base in Yemen, he ostensibly marched against Mecca to
destroy the Kaaba in order to secure unrivaled cultic status for his recently constructed
cathedral of al-Qullays (or al-Qalis). Cf. de Prémare, “L’attaque de la Ka‘ba,” 261-367
(esp. 325 ff.): most notable here for Muhammad’s biography is that al-Zuhri, and thus
Ma‘mar, reject the notion that Muhammad was born in the year of these events, called
the “Year of the Elephant”—often dated, likely incorrectly, to AD 570. Cf. EZ, art.
“Abraha’” (U. Rubin). Recent research suggests that Abraha’s campaign against Mecca, if
historical, likely dates to shortly after the year aD 558. See Robin, “Abraha et la Recon-
quéte de l’Arabie déserte,” 75 f.

“House” (Ar. al-bayt): i.e., “the house” wherein the divinity abides. All references to the
House in this text refer to Mecca’s cultic centerpiece, the Kaaba.

“their cross”: a reference to the Christian identity of the attackers. The cross as an object
of reverence among Abrahah’s troops is a common theme of the historiography of the
events; e.g., see de Prémare, “L’attaque de la Ka‘ba,” 325-26 and Tottoli, “Muslim Atti-
tudes towards Prostration,” 12. Abraha’s usage of the iconography of the cross is also
confirmed by epigraphic evidence; see Robin, “Abraha et la Reconquéte de l’Arabie
déserte,” 14.

Purposely ambiguous, the text makes no mention of the identity of the visitor. Implied
here, however, is that the visitor is divine, semidivine, or angelic in nature. Other early
Muslim historians, such as Ibn al-Kalbi (204/819), portray ‘Abd al-Muttalib as an adher-

ent of the cult of the idol Hubal, to which the Kaaba was ostensibly dedicated during his

YAY & = 283

Notes

time. In Ma‘mar’s version, the ambiguity of the language may imply that this detail has
been expurgated.

“most honored shaykh’: often identified with Ishmael, the son of Abraham and regarded
at this time as the progenitor of the inhabitants of Arabia, or “Ishmaelites”; cf. Gen. 16,
21:8-21 and Millar, “Hagar, Ishmael, Josephus, and the Origins of Islam.”

“between the viscera and blood” (Ar. bayna’l-farth wa-l-dam): an idiomatic phrase used
to describe the inedible contents of the animal’s innards, as opposed to the consumable
flesh of the slaughtered animal.

“altars” (Ar. ansab): the term may also be rendered as “idols”; however, these were not
just any idols, but stone idols upon which sacrifices were made. Tradition attributes their
establishment to Abraham, who erected them under Gabriel’s guidance. See Q Ma idah
5:3 and Crone, “The Religion of the Qur’anic Pagans,” 169.

In the ancient world, the inhabitants of Arabia were renowned for their ability to speak
to and divine the behavior of animals; see Schafer, The Jewish Jesus, 221 f.

“mosque” (Ar. masjid); lit. “where one does prostrations (in worship)”: the word
“mosque” here is a catchall term for all places of congregational worship, and thus is
not used in the narrower sense as a Muslim place of worship. See al-Aqsa Mosque in
the glossary.

“swords . .. buried in the well Zamzam”: an omen of the conquests soon to come with
the advent of Islam.

Presumably, ‘Abd al-Muttalib receives this injunction from a deity or angel, although the
language here is again circumspect, leaving the meaning ambiguous.

“T shall cast lots for them”: the casting of lots reflects an ancient Near Eastern method for
determining the will of a deity. Here, ‘Abd al-Muttalib employs arrows, a popular tech-
nique that survived the coming of Islam, though not without controversy. See Crone
and Silverstein, “Lot-Casting.”

The episode of ‘Abd al-Muttalib’s vow to sacrifice his son and his subsequent ransoming
of him constitutes a subtle parallel with Islamic literary traditions regarding Abraham
and his nearly sacrificed son, Isaac/Ishmael (Islamic tradition is conflicted on the iden-
tity of the son Abraham attempted to sacrifice to God). Indeed, this parallelism is noted
by early purveyors of the sira tradition, as well as evidenced by reference to Muhammad
as ibn al-dhabihayn—i.e., “the descendant of the two sacrifices,” ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd
al-Muttalib and Ishmael (cf. Tabari, Ta’rikh, 1:291)—as the Meccans were seen to be the
descendants of Abraham (see Q Hajj 22:78).

This light is prophetic and represents the unborn Muhammad; below, this light will be

transferred to Muhammad’s mother who, after the prophet’s birth, witnesses the light

VAC 284

23
24

Notes

“fill the castles of Syria.” The story here plays off a well-known prophetological trope in
Late Antique accounts of Moses; see Lowin, The Making of a Forefather, 243-46.
Arabian custom, and subsequently Islamic law, recognizes not only kinship through
blood relations but also via milk relations. Children nursed from the same woman are
regarded as siblings and are therefore forbidden to intermarry but allowed to socialize.
See Giladi, Infants, Parents, and Wetnurses.

“One of the diviners” (Ar. kahin min al-kuhhan): the kuhhan were diviners who spoke
in oracular, rhyming utterances via contact with a familiar spirit and who acted as the
main representatives of Arabian, polytheistic religious authority; e.g., see van Gelder,
Anthology, 110-13. In the sira-maghazi literature, the kuhhan usually regard Muhammad
as a threat, in stark contrast to the righteous monotheists (usually monks or rabbis) who
herald Muhammad’s future role as a Prophet.

“her house”: other traditions state more explicitly that Muhammad’s milch-mother was
a Bedouin woman to whom his birth mother had handed over her son to acquaint him
with the customs of the desert nomads. The theme of surrogacy is also salient to the Late
Antique “prophetic lives” of Abraham and Moses—accounts after which the present one
appears to have been modeled. See Lowin, The Making of a Forefather, 234-38.

Cf. Q 94, Strat al-Sharh, which seems to have inspired the story. The story, only briefly
told here, expands in subsequent retellings and details how angelic beings were sent
down to split open the infant Muhammad’s breast and purify his heart in preparation for
his future as God’s Messenger. See Rubin, Eye of the Beholder, 59 ff. This story is rooted
in a common literary topos of late antique hagiography; see Sizgorich, “The Martyrs of
Najran,” 130 f.

“palaces of Syria” (Ar. qusiir al-Sham): Aminah’s vision is an omen of the Prophet’s
future destiny to conquer Syria.

A foreshadowing of the destiny of Muhammad and his community to overtake the
Levant, this anecdote also mirrors similar Muslim traditions concerning the threat of
Saul to the young, soon-to-be-king David; see Maghen, “Davidic Motifs,” 104.
“cornerstone” (Ar. al-rukn): the black stone at the base of the Kaaba and, according to
pious legend, present at every iteration of the Kaaba’s construction since Abraham and
regarded to be of heavenly origin.

Cf. Gen. 36:7.

The mention of Khadijah’s sister is odd here, insofar as it potentially leaves the impres-
sion that the muntashiyah who acted as a matchmaker between the couple was in fact
Khadijah’s sister. However, given that the muntashiyah was slave-born (Ar. muwal-

ladah) and not a full Qurashi, this is highly unlikely. Some traditionists identify this

YAO @& 285

Notes

matchmaker with Nafisah bint Munyah, the sister of a tribal ally (hali/) of the Nawfal ibn
‘Abd Manaf clan of Quraysh named Ya‘la ibn Munyah al-Tamimi. However, other narra-
tions do in fact place Khadijah’s sister, Halah bint Khuwaylid, in the role of facilitating
the marriage. In the story about Halah, though, Khadijah’s sister constructs a gambit to
ensure that her uncle, ‘Amr ibn Asad, is inebriated (and not her father, as this account,
unlike Ma‘mar’s, assumes Khuwaylid ibn Asad has passed away) so that he will agree
to marry Khadijah off to a penniless Muhammad. In Ma‘mar’s narrative, the implica-
tion seems to be that Khadijah’s sister brokers the marriage arrangements for Khadijah
and Muhammad with her father Khuwaylid, but not the initial agreement and proposal
between Khadijah and Muhammad. Rather, this initial agreement is brokered by the
unnamed slave-born woman described by Ma‘mar in other traditions as a “dark-skinned
woman” (imra’ah sawda’). See Baladhuri, Ansab, 1:243-44 and al-Zubayr ibn Bakkar,
Muntakhab, 27-29.

“rajaz-poets” (Ar. rujjaz): this refers to the simplest, and thus easiest, meter of Arabic
poetry, traditionally regarded as the poetic meter of the common folk and simple songs
and thus viewed with lower regard than the more complex meters of Arabic poetic
verse. Cf. van Gelder, Anthology, 93-108.

Pherkad: romanized from the Arabic al-fargad (“oryx calf”), refers to one of two stars,
either y or B of Ursa Minor, known as “the two oryx calves” (al-farqadan) in Arabic
astronomy.

“acts of religious devotion” (Ar. al-tahannuth): used as a technical term in maghdazi and
hadith to designate acts of religious devotion (including prayer and feeding the poor)
specific to a group of Arabian monotheists who, despite their rejection of polytheism,
refrained from converting to either Christianity or Judaism. It has no historical relation
with the Hebrew tehinnoth, which postdates this Arabic word by centuries. See Goitein,
Studies in Islamic History, 93, and Kister, “Al-tahannuth.”

“true vision” (Ar. al-rw’ya al-sadiqah): the term could also be plausibly rendered as
“dream,” and other tradents contemporary with Ma‘mar, such as Ibn Ishaq, specify that
Muhammad had been sleeping during his first “dreaming-vision” (cf. Ibn Hisham, 1:236;
trans. Guillaume, 106). On this episode see Rubin, “Igra’ bi-ismi rabbika,’ and Schoeler,
Biography, 38-79.

Q ‘Alaq 96:1-5; cf. Is. 40:6: the angel’s command “Read!” (igra’) can also be translated
as “Recite!” However, I have chosen to render the verb as “read” because of the implied
celestial text, which appears as a golden scroll in Ibn Ishaq’s account, following the inter-
pretation of Neuwirth, Der Koran I, 267-71, 274 ff. As phrased by Ma‘mar, Muhammad’s

response, “I cannot read” (md and bi-qari’; lit. “Iam not a reader”), appears to highlight

YAN 286

31
32

Notes

Muhammad’s inability to read. The illiteracy of Muhammad later becomes a key doc-
trine in Islamic theology, which regarded his illiteracy as an ideal precondition for the
miracle of his reception of the Qur’an. See Goldfeld, “The Illiterate Prophet.”

“returned with these words” (raja‘a bihd): the phrase “these words” is a conjectural
reading of preposition —hd, which has no clear antecedent.

Cf. Q 73, Surat al-Muzzammil.

In other words, Muhammad’s conduct conformed to the pinnacle of Arabian ideals of
moral behavior; see Kister, “‘God Will Never Disgrace Thee.”

“written as much of the Gospels in Arabic”: a passage often, but tendentiously, used
to argue for the existence of an Arabic translation of the Gospels in circulation prior to
the advent of Islam. However, other versions of this story state that, rather than writing
the Gospels in Arabic (al-‘arabiyyah), Waraqah wrote them in Hebrew (al-‘ibraniyyah);
see Wensinck, Concordance, 4:118. There is similar anecdotal and literary evidence, but
neither documentary nor linguistic evidence from the surviving Arabic translations of
the Gospels suggest that there existed formal, complete translations of the Gospels into
Arabic until the Abbasid period. See Griffith, The Bible in Arabic.

“the Nomos” (Ar. al-ndmis); from the Greek némos: the word likely entered Arabic via
a Palestinian Aramaic or Syriac intermediary ndmisd; cf. Miller-Kessler and Sokoloff,
A Corpus of Christian Palestinian Aramaic, 2a:279b and 2b, 251b, s.v. n.y.m.w.s. Although
the Greek némos most often refers to customary conduct or behavioral norms of com-
munity (thus often translated as “law,” “practice,” “order”), the association of némos
with the angel of revelation in the Islamic tradition perhaps arises from a conflation of
the angel with the Law (i.e., némos) of Moses he reputedly revealed to the prophet, even
though the Torah does not mention an angelic intermediary and Talmudic authorities
later polemicized against this idea. In general, see EQ, s.v. “Namus” (H. Motzki) and
TDNT, sv. v6uog (Kleinknecht, Gutbrod): there is a precedent for the angelic-person-
ification of némos, however, in Syriac homiletic literature; see Griffith, “The Gospel in
Arabic,” 148-89.

This narrative contains curious parallels to the autobiographical opening sections of
the Nag Hammadi tractate Zostrianos, a heavenly ascension apocalypse of Platonic and
Sethian provenance likely dating at least as early as the third century aD. In this apoca-
lypse, the holy man Zostrianos adopts the life of a recluse pondering the mysteries of the
universe and offering worship and sacrifices to the gods. Despairing over “the pettiness”
of his world, Zostrianos relates that he dared to deliver himself over to death by the wild
beasts of the deserts. Zostrianos’s would-be suicide is thwarted, however, by the appear-

ance of an angel, who consoles him with the news that he has been chosen to receive the

YAY & = 287

39
40
41

42
43
44

Notes

revelations of the heavenly realms, whereupon the angel takes him on a celestial journey.
See Burns, “The Apocalypse of Zostrianos,” 31.

Cf. Q 73, Strat al-Muzzammil and 74, Strat al-Muddaththir. See Rubin, “The Shrouded
Messenger.”

“reeds . . . reeds of pearl” (Ar. gasab .. . gasab min al-lu’lu’): the hadith scholars are
divided on how to interpret the widespread hadith that Khadijah’s heavenly home
would be fashioned from gasab—a word that usually means “reeds.” Here, as translated
above, Ma‘mar seems to explain the reeds as fashioned of pearl—other interpretations

”»

include “an expansive, hollowed pearl (mujawwafah wasi‘ah),’ “reeds adorned with
jewels, pearls and rubies (al-gasab al-mangum bi-I-durr wa-l-lwlw wa-l-yaqut),’ or sug-
gest the reeds represent that “she passed through life with great success because she was
among others, are from Ibn Hajar, Fath, 8:138.

“publicly to abandon idols”: the word “abandon” is absent in the manuscript, but I
have filled in the apparent lacuna here with an alternative transmission from Ma‘mar’s
Expeditions as indicated in the textual apparatus. Possibly, the original text asserted that
Islam was preached only in secret, whereas in public Muhammad still sanctioned idol
worship. Such an assertion would run directly contrary to the traditional and orthodox
narratives of Muhammad’s life.

See Q Furgan 25:7, 41, and Crone, “Angels versus Humans as Messengers of God,” 317 f.
There is a qur’anic prohibition against the consumption of carrion; see Q Baqarah 2:173.
“Umar here mockingly refers to Muhammad as a descendant of the somewhat legendary
Abi Kabshah. See “Ibn Abi Kabshah” in the glossary.

Q ‘Ankabit 29:48-49.

Q Ra‘d 13:43.

“the saying of ‘Peace!’ .. .”: the five ritual prayers—none of which were instituted at
this point in Muhammad’s prophetic career—all culminate with the phrase al-salam
‘alaykum wa-rahmatu'llah (lit., “God’s mercy and peace be upon you (pl.)”) uttered
once to the right and once to the left. See Melchert, “The Concluding Salutation.”

“has abandoned his religion” (Ar. saba’a); lit. ““Umar has become a Sabaen”: Sabaens
(Ar. sabi’uin), although mentioned in the Qur’an, remain somewhat mysterious beyond
their belief in “God and the Last Day” (Q Baqarah 2:62, An‘am 6:69). Later tradition
often identifies them merely with those who abandon their ancestral religion. See de
Blois, “The ‘Sabians’ (Sabi’tn) in Pre-Islamic Arabia.”

“assemblies” (Ar. majalis): lit., the “sitting sessions” in which the Quraysh’s elders

deliberate.

YAA 288

47
48

Notes

There seems to be a lacuna in the text here.

“al-Siddiq”: Abi Bakr is traditionally known by this sobriquet; the explanation given for
it here is one of many, albeit the most famous, and implies that it derives from his faithful
affirmation of the truth (Ar. tasdiq) of Muhammad’s story when many would not. The
word is qur’anic and often applied to prophets (Q Yusuf 12:46; Maryam 19:41, 56; and
M@idah 5:75) and believers (Hadid 57:19 and Nisa 4:65).

Q Qaf 50:29.

“public bath” (Ar. dimds): the Arabic word comes from the Greek démésion, suggesting
the possibility of a Christian source for the tradition.

“I was given the choice”: in Arabic the construction is passive (qila li, “it was said to
me”); hence, the identity of the speaker—whether the speaker was divine or angelic—
remains ambiguous here.

“humankind’s original faith” (Ar. al-fitrah): a technical term that refers to humankind’s
inborn nature, predisposing every human being to worship the one true God and follow
the truth of his revealed religion.

The events of this chapter considerably postdate those mentioned in the previous sec-
tion. Tradition places the Hudaybiyah expedition in the month of Dhu 1-Qa‘dah, six
years after Muhammad and his fledgling community of Meccan believers undertook
the Hijrah to Medina—i.e., during March-April aD 628; however, al-Zuhri provides the
slightly different date of Shawwal 6/February-March Ap 628 (see 6.3 below). Whereas
the last narrative presents Muhammad to us in his most vulnerable state, this narrative
relates events that transpire after the tables had turned considerably in his favor. Politi-
cally, the Quraysh were severely weakened by their conflicts with Muhammad’s Medi-
nese polity. As he marches to undertake a pilgrimage here, the negotiations transpire
at a time in which the political rise and eventual dominance of Muhammad’s Medinese
polity over the Hejaz seems inexorable and close.

“He donned the seamless garments. . . a pilgrimage to Mecca”: that is, Muhammad out-
wardly donned the iiram garments designating that he and his followers had ritually
consecrated themselves for a pilgrimage to Mecca. This pilgrimage was nonseasonal—
i.e., an ‘umrah as opposed to the hajj, which must be undertaken during the month of
Dhi 1|-Hijjah. The point here is that the nonaggressive intentions of Muhammad as he
approached Mecca would have been plain to the Meccan Quraysh, who were intimately
familiar with this custom, even if the Meccans may have suspected the ‘umrah to be

aruse.

YA & 289

Notes

“hired troops” (Ar. ahabish): confederate mercenaries of the Meccan Quraysh, these
were often recruited from the Bedouin and Abyssinians who had settled in the Arabian
Peninsula. See Wansbrough, “Notes on Ahabis Qurays.”

Hal: the voice command to urge a camel to rise.

“the war elephant” (Ar. al-fil): the elephant of the so-called “Elephant Troop” (Ar.
ashab al-fil) that marched against Mecca to destroy the Kaaba. See n. 2.

Cf. Num. 20:11.

‘Urwah speaks as a leader from the Thaqif tribe of the city of Taif allied with the Meccan
Quraysh; this is also the reason he is able to act as a mediator between them and
Muhammad’s people in what follows.

“murdered and took their wealth”: it is strange that ‘Urwah does not immediately rec-
ognize al-Mughirah, for most historians claim that the former was the uncle of the latter.
‘Urwah does know all too well, however, the story of al-Mughirah’s crime. ‘Urwah and
al-Mughirah were both from the city of Taif, whose inhabitants exiled al-Mughirah for
his treacherous crime.

“Caesar and Khosroes and the Negus”: the Byzantine, Sassanid, and Abyssinian rulers
were frequently called by the name Caesar (Ar. qaysar), Khosroes (Ar. kisra), or the
Negus (Ar. al-najdshi) regardless of their actual names and regnal titles.

“crying out the pilgrims’ invocation”: viz., they cried out the talbiyah, an invocation
made by pilgrims when entering into the state of ihram prior to entering the sacred
precincts—the invocation here being, “Here we are, O Lord! Here we are! (Jabbayka
allahumma labbayka).”

“Your cause has just become easier for you”: this statement is a play on Suhayl’s name,
which derives from the word sahula, “to be easy.”

“In the name of God, the Merciful and the Compassionate” (Ar. bismillah al-rahman
al-rahim): this statement serves as an important consecrating act and has pre-Islamic
precedents—a fact on display here in Suhayl’s subsequent insistence on Muhammad
employing its pre-Islamic equivalent: bismika llahumma, “In your Name, O God.”

A common trope is that the Pagans opposed to Muhammad worshipped God as Allah
prior to Islam but refused to refer to God under the epithet the Merciful (al-rahman)
used by the Christians and Jews of pre-Islamic Arabia. See Robin, “Arabia and Ethiopia,”
pp. 304 ff. The trope is rooted in Q Furqan 25:60, but recent scholarship strongly sug-
gests that the dichotomy between Allah and al-rahman is more rhetorical than histori-
cal. See Crone, “The Religion of the Qur’anic Pagans,” pp. 166-69.

After the Muslims’ initial Hijrah to Medina in ap 622, the subsequent undertaking

of a Hijrah to the Prophet’s city functioned as an act affirming and actualizing one’s

vA: 290

70
71

Notes

conversion to Islam, and even became obligatory. Abt Jandal’s dismay reflects (1) the
belief that forcing one to return to Mecca was tantamount to denying him the chance to
convert to Islam and join the community of Muslims, and (2) the belief that the Muslims
could no longer provide a safe haven for their coreligionists who suffered imprisonment
and deprivation in Mecca at the hands of the unbelieving Quraysh.

“Abi Jandal ibn Suhayl ibn “Amr”: Abt Jandal is Suhayl’s son—the man with whom
the Prophet negotiates. Suhayl, like others opposed to Muhammad’s religion, shack-
led and imprisoned his son in his home in order to prevent him from joining the Mus-
lims in Medina and to convince him to return to his people’s religion. See Anthony,
“The Domestic Origins of Imprisonment,” 580-82.

Q Mumtahana 60:10.

This brief reference refers to the blockade of the Quraysh’s trade routes to the north
undertaken by Abi Jandal and Abi Basir who, alongside many other Meccan Muslims
unable to undertake their Hijrah to Medina because of the Hudaybiyah agreement,
set up their own rogue encampment from which they employed banditry to intercept
Qurashi caravans. See Rubin, “Muhammad’s Curse of Mudar,” 252-54 and Anthony,
“The Domestic Origins of Imprisonment,” 582-84.

Q Fath 48:24-26.

“they would say it was “Uthman”: as noted in the introduction, Ma‘mar studied with
al-Zuhri in Syria when he resided in Rusafah, the favorite residence of the Umayyad
caliph Hisham ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. The Umayyads were keenly interested in emphasizing
the importance of the first caliph to come from their clan of Quraysh: the third caliph
“Uthman ibn ‘Affan. Muslim rebels murdered ‘Uthman in 35/656, and the Umayyads used
this event as a basis for seizing the caliphate and establishing the legitimacy of their rule.
Hereafter follow two narrations concerning Heraclius, emperor of Byzantium from
AD 610 to 641. The story is a set piece for early Muslim kerygmatic storytelling and
reflects the extent to which Muslims assimilated and interacted with Byzantine and
Christian narratives and perceptions in the Umayyad period. The frame story is a
Muslim adaptation of a popular tale regarding Heraclius’s premonition of the coming of
the Islamic conquests. A version of it appears in many non-Muslim chronicles as well,
the earliest of which dates to the late-seventh century AD; see Chr. Fredegar, 53-55 (§§
65-66). See also Conrad, “Heraclius in Early Islamic Kerygma,” and Esders, “Herak-
leios, Dagobert und die ‘beschnitten Vélker.’”

“a seer” (Ar. hazza’): the word for “seer” here is likely derived from the Syriac hazaya
(also cf. Heb. hézeh). On the emperor’s interest in astrology, see Esders, “Herakleios,

2»

Dagobert und die ‘beschnitten Vélker,” 260-63.

77
78

79
80
81

Notes

“king of the circumcised” (Ar. malik al-khitan): I have followed one current of the tra-
dition that reads malik al-khitan, although one may also read mulk al-khitan, i.e., “the
kingdom/dominion of the circumcised” (see Ibn Hajar, Fath, 1:42 and Kister, ““... And
He Was Born Circumcised ...” 19). Cf. Matt. 2:2, Luke 1:33.

Although not explicitly stated in this account, other accounts place these events in
Bostra in Syria, and thus connect Heraclius’s statement to the impending conquest of
Syria rather than Constantinople.

“the sin of the tenants” (Ar. ithm al-arisin): the reference here is to Jesus’s “parable of
the tenants” found in Mark 12:1-12, Matt. 21:33-46, and Luke 20:9-19. The letter warns
that, like the wicked tenants in the gospel parable, the Romans will be dispossessed of
the lands over which God has made them stewards because they acted wickedly and
scorned the landowner’s son/Messenger. Though traditionally interpreted christologi-
cally, here the gospel parable is clearly applied to Muhammad. The Arabic word here
for tenant, aris, is exceedingly rare and reveals the story’s Levantine provenance since
it derives from the Palestinian Aramaic translation of the New Testament, whose term
for the tenant, aris (pl. arisin), appears only in the extant lectionaries from this region
and not in any of the Syriac translations of the New Testament. See Miiller-Kessler and
Sokoloff, A Corpus of Christian Palestinian Aramaic, 2a:222a, s.v. d.r.y.s and Conrad,
“Heraclius in Early Islamic Kerygma,” 129-30.

Q Al ‘Imran 3:64.

The first of the grand “thematic battles” of the Prophet’s biography during the Medi-
nese period, this first battle transpired between Muhammad’s early followers from
Mecca (the “Emigrants”) and his Medinese followers (the “Allies”), on the one side,
and Muhammad’s Meccan opponents from the Quraysh on the other. Because they won
though greatly outnumbered, the Muslims’ victory is seen as proof of God’s support of
the believers and his punishment of the Quraysh for their misdeeds; themes salient to
the narratives of this section.

Q Anfal 8:19.

E.g., see Q Anfal 8:5-9, Hajj 22:39-40.

16 (17) Ramadan 2/12 (13) March ap 624; other dates given include 17, 19, or 21 Ramadan
2/13, or 15,17 March AD 624.

“the day of manifest redemption” (Ar. yawm al-furqan): cf. Q Anfal 8:41 where the
Muslims’ victory at Badr is also called yawm al-furqan. My translation of the phrase fol-
lows the one most conventionally favoured for this verse (Rubin, “On the Arabian Ori-
gins of the Qur’an,” 427-28.); however, as Walid Saleh argues (“A Piecemeal Qur’an”),

yawm al-furqan may simply convey the meaning of “the day of distinction”—i.e., the

YAY 292

87
88

Notes

day that the Believers willing to fight distinguished themselves from those unwilling
to fight (at Badr).

“Whenever the slaves . . . you leave them alone?”: Ma‘mar’s version of the narrative is a
bit opaque, but in the version given by Ibn Ishaq, the rationale for the behavior is more
clearly laid out. According to Ibn Ishaq’s narrative, the slaves belonged to Quraysh’s
warriors who had left Mecca to aid Aba Sufyan’s caravan, and the Muslims beat them
because they wanted the slaves to admit that they actually belonged with Abu Sufyan’s
caravan. See Ibn Hisham, 1:616 f; trans. Guillaume, 295. The point of the narrative to
follow is to demonstrate that Muhammad is the equal of the cunning Aba Sufyan as a
strategist. This is displayed by Muhamamd’s clever use of seemingly innocuous ques-
tions to surmise key information about the fighting numbers of the Quraysh.

“Birk al-Ghimad” (also “al-Ghumad”) “of Dhti Yaman”: medieval geographers differ
over which location this story refers to; however, given the context and intention
behind the statement, a territory in the far reaches of the Yemen is likely intended. The
phrase means something like “we will follow you to the ends of the Earth.” See 12.3.1.
“Arab diebs” (Ar. dhwban al-‘arab): the Bedouin nomads of the desert (lit., “the wolves
of the Arabs”) who, as opposed to the oasis dwellers, were disdained for their vicious-
ness and barbarity; cf. Q Tawbah 9:97.

“his brother Shaybah . . . stood up”: ‘Utbah comes forward to fight with his son and
brother in defiance of Abi Jahl’s slander against his courage. Because ‘Utbah is a Qurashi
from the ‘Abd Shams clan, Muhammad asks his Medinese supporters to sit down in
order to give “Utbah a suitable contest with members from his own tribe of Quraysh. The
men chosen by Muhammad are his believing relatives from the Qurashi clan of Hashim:
‘Aliis his paternal cousin, Hamzah his paternal uncle, and “Ubaydah shares Muhammad’s
great-grandfather ‘Abd Manaf. The MS has ‘Ubaydah’s name as “Ubaydah ibn al-Harith
ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, thus making him the Prophet’s cousin, but this is a corruption—
and a seemingly common one at that: see Baladhuri, Ansab, 1(2):720 and ibid., 3:285.
Cf. Q Zalzalah 99:6.

This narrative constitutes the earliest martyrology, or “martyr story,” of the Islamic tra-
dition, and thus focuses on the fate of two martyrs from the Medinese Allies (‘Asim ibn
Thabit and Khubayb ibn ‘Adi) and the miracles accompanying their deaths. There exists
a wide variance in the dating of these events in the stra-maghazi literature, and our text
only specifies that it transpired after Badr. Ibn Ishaq merely places the events after the
battle of Uhud in 3/625 without further specifying an exact date, whereas Waqidi places

the events in Safar 4/July-August 625. See Jones, “The Chronology of the Maghazi,”

yay & 293

93
94

95
96
97

Notes

249. On the incident more generally, see Motzki, Boekhoff-van der Voort, and Anthony,
Analysing Muslim Traditions, ch. 6 and Anthony, Crucifixion, 35 ff.

“to trim his pubic hair with it” (Ar. yastahiddu biha): Islamic law regulates the hygienic
maintenance and grooming of the human body, including hair dressing. The trimming of
hair under the arms and in the pubic region falls into this category. See Ez, art. “Sha'r, 2.
Legal aspects regarding human hair” (A. K. Reinhart). The point here is that Khubayb,
an ideal martyr, remained as scrupulously attentive to the ritual aspects of Islamic faith
as possible, even in the face of certain death.

“the Sacred Precincts (Ar. al-haram) to kill him”: executions always took place outside
the perimeter of Mecca’s Sacred Precincts due to the ancient prohibition on shedding
blood therein.

“he prayed two prostrations’ worth of prayers” (Ar. salla rak‘atayni): viz., he prayed
two rak‘ahs. A rak‘ah is the basic unit of prayer gestures for the Muslim ritual prayer.
It consists of a bending of the torso from an upright position followed by two prostra-
tions; different prayers at different appointed times of the day, and occasionally under
different conditions (such as travel or fear for one’s life), require a different number of
rak‘ahs.

“Reckon my killers’ number”: i.e., “Hold them accountable for killing me on the Day of
Judgment!” Khubayb’s prayer is a discrete reference to Q Maryam 19:94-95.

Q Furgan 25:27-29.

This incident is the first of the stories relating Muhammad and the Muslim community’s
fraught relationship with the largest Jewish clans in Medina. Traditionally, three Jewish
clans are mentioned in the sira-maghazi literature: the Qaynuqa‘, the Nadir, and the
Qurayzah; however, Ma‘mar’s text only relates the stories of the Nadir and the Qurayzah
and lacks any mention of the Qaynuqa‘.

“six months”: i.e., the month of Rabi‘ lin 3 (September—October ap 624).

Q Hashr §9:1-2.

“the first time in this earthly life that the Jews were banished”: the word for banishment
here, al-hashr, also means “to gather,” but particularly in the sense of herding together as
a congregation to one location, viz., a deracination. Thus is the word used in the Qur’an
to refer to the gathering of humankind on the Day of Judgment and the consignment of
the damned to Hell (e.g., Q Bagarah 2:203 and Al ‘Imran 3:19). “This earthly life” (Ar.
al-dunya) specifies this life as opposed to the afterlife. Notably, other references to exile
in this text use not al-hashr, but the less ambiguous term al-jala’.

“the attendants of your womenfolk . . . golden anklets”: golden anklets (al-khalakhil)

were often worn by women and were idiomatically referred to as their “servants” or

YAL 294

100

101

102

103

104

105

106
107

108

Notes

“attendants.” By threatening the attendants of the womenfolk of al-Nadir, the Meccan
Quraysh made a not-so-veiled threat against the Jews’ womenfolk. On this theme in
pre-Islamic poetry, see Hamori, Mutanabbi’s Panegyrics, 79.

The clan of al-Nadir lived half a day’s march from Medina. The Qurayzah clan was
another prominent Jewish tribe of Yathrib, so Muhammad secures a pact with them
prior to his siege of al-Nadir to ensure that they will not interfere.

Muslim legends of the “lost tribes of Israel” winding their way to Arabia abound from
quite an early date (see Rubin, Between Bible and Quran, 46-48), but it is ambiguous
whether this text places the Nadir clan among these lost tribes or not. The exile men-
tioned by the text likely comes from anti-Jewish polemics found in Christian writings,
which regarded the Romans’ destruction of the Jerusalem Temple under the emperor
Titus in aD 70 and the Jews’ supposed “exile” from Palestine as divine punishment for
the crucifixion of Jesus. The Jewish presence in Palestine throughout the Roman period,
even well into late antiquity, contradicts these sentiments, but they were widespread
nonetheless and subsequently adapted by the Islamic tradition, particularly in the
interpretation of Q Isra’ 17:2-8. See Yuval, “The Myth of the Jewish Exile,” and Busse,
“The Destruction of the Temple.”

“the fate of the Qurayzah clan”: in the events to follow, the Jewish clan of Qurayzah
would likewise be accused of treachery, leading to the slaughter of their men and sale of
the women and children into captivity. These events are related in ch. 8.

Q Hashr 59:1-6.

“favored him thereby”: the orchards thus became the Prophet’s personal property to the
exclusion of all others.

Q Hashr 59:6.

“fifteen years”: which is to say that, according to al-Zuhri’s calculations, Muhammad was
called to be a Prophet fifteen years prior to undertaking the Hijrah from Mecca to Medina
in 622. Given that these calculations are in lunar rather than solar years, this means that
al-Zuhri dates Muhammad’s encounter with Gabriel at Mount Hira’ to ca. AD 608. On
the typological models behind the dating of the major events in Muhammad’s life, see
Rubin, Eye of the Beholder, 190 ff.

Q Hijr 15:95, 91.

QHijr 15:94.

I.e., 21 September 622, a Tuesday. This differs from the date given by Ibn Ishaq
for Muhammad’s arrival on 12 Rabi‘ I. The problem is that Ibn Ishaq also states that

Muhammad arrived on a Monday, but 12 Rabi‘ I (24 September 622) falls on a Friday.

109
110
1
112

113

114
115
116
17

119
120
121

122

123

Notes

Hence, the date given here is likely more correct. See Elz, art. “Hidjra” (W. Montgom-
ery Watt).

Q Anfal 8:7.

Q Qamar 54:45.

Q Mu’minin 23:64.

Q Al ‘Imran 3:127, 128.

After emigrating to Medina, the Prophet’s followers began to raid Meccan caravans trav-
eling on the route between Mecca and Syria. The Battle of Badr began with one such
raid, this time against a caravan of Abi Sufyan ibn Harb returning to Mecca from Syria.
The Meccans reinforced Abt Sufyan’s caravan with relief forces under the leadership of
Abi Jahl. Thus, it is Abu Jahl and his relief forces who fight, and lose, against the Muslims
at the Battle of Badr, not Abt Sufyan’s caravan. Cf. £3, “Badr” (Khalil Athamina).

Q Ibrahim 14:28.

Q Baqarah 2:243.

Q Al ‘Imran 3:13.

Q Anfal 8:42.

“the day on which al-Hadrami was slain”: i.e., the Raid of Nakhlah in Rajab 2/January
AD 624, in which the Muslims raided a Qurashi caravan in which ‘Amr ibn al-Hadrami
was killed and thus violated the sanctity of the month of Rajab, an act ostensibly con-
doned by prophetic revelation (cf. Q Baqarah 2:217). The killing of Ibn al-Hadrami
served as the Meccans’ pretext for their offensive against the Muslims at Badr even after
they had secured and protected Aba Sufyan’s caravan from Muslim raiders. Ma‘mar’s
version of the story of the Nakhlah raid survives, but in ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s Qur’an com-
mentary rather than the Kitab al-Maghdzi. See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, Tafsir, 1:87-88; cf.
Baladhuri, Ansab, 1:929-31 and Jones, “The Chronology of the Maghazi,” 247.

Q Bagarah 2:194.

Q Muminin 23:77.

Q Muminin 23:78.

I.e., 27 May AD 632, a Wednesday. Other traditions from al-Zuhri place his death on a
Monday (e.g., Bayhaqi, Dala’il, 6:234). On the varying dates given by Muslim tradition
for the date of Muhammad’s death, cf. Rubin, Eye of the Beholder, 190-94.

Abit Bakr led the hajj in Dht 1-Hijjah 9/March—April 631, so according to al-Zuhri the
expedition against Tabik must have occurred either in Muharram 10/April-May 631
or shortly thereafter. This date conflicts with Ibn Ishaq’s reckoning, since he places
Tabuk earlier, in Rajab 9/October-November 630. See Jones, “The Chronology of the
Maghazi,” 257 f.

vA 296

124

125

126

127

128

129

130

131
132
133
134

Notes

The battle that transpired at Uhud is the second of the grand thematic battles of the
Prophet's life, taking place after the Battle of Badr and before the Battle of the Trench.
It also marks an important turning point in the Medinese career of Muhammad, for it is
his first and only real defeat in battle. Being a defeat, Uhud raised many questions about
the nature God’s providence and why he allowed his prophet to suffer defeat. This nar-
rative offers many answers to these questions, but some of its most central themes are
that of the community’s disobedience to the prophet and the wisdom of God behind the
trial suffered by the community in the course of Uhud.

Which is to say, the Nadir clan’s exile transpired in Rabi‘ I 3/September-October 624
and the Battle of Uhud transpired six months later, in Shawwal 3/March-April 625.
The dating of these events relative to one another is problematic. Later scholars of the
Islamic tradition place the expulsion of the Nadir clan after Uhud; see the comments in
Jones, “The Chronology of the Maghazi,” 249, 268.

Q Al ‘Imran 3:152.

L.e., the omen is a boon, for many will sacrifice themselves for God’s cause; cf. Q Saffat
37:102.

“Abd Allah ibn Ubayy . . . third of the army”: the Muslims’ defeat by Meccans at Uhud
is often laid at the feet of Ibn Ubayy due to a decision to prematurely withdraw from the
field of battle. Here, by contrast, he seems to have simply remained behind to ensure
Medina would be protected in the event of a Muslim defeat on the battlefield. However,
the ductus of the text is also ambiguous. I have chosen to read it as “he remained behind”
(inkhazala), a reading most strongly supported by the transmission of the text and flow of

the narrative; however, one could feasibly read it as “he withdrew” (inkhadhala) instead.

“One of the Messenger of God’s teeth” (rubd‘iyah): lit., one of the incisors next to the
canines.
“had his chest rent open”: the vicitim is unidentified here, but subsequent tradition

identifies this person with the Prophet’s believing uncle, Hamzah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib.
Q Al ‘Imran 3:173.

Q Al ‘Imran 3:172.

The speaker here is ‘Abd al-Razzaq’s pupil, Ishaq al-Dabari. See the Note on the Text.
The narrative of the final major battle of the Prophet before the conquest of Mecca,
the incident of the United Clans, or the Battle of the Trench, relates the story of the
Meccans’ largest all-out assault on Medina. The Muslims triumph by surviving the siege
but then face a threat from within Medina itself. They must confront the last remaining
large Jewish clan of Medina: Qurayzah. An alliance between Qurayzah and the Prophet’s

enemies is uncovered, and he resolves to punish them harshly for their perfidy.

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Notes

Le., the Battle of the Trench (al-Khandaq) transpired no earlier than Shawwal 5 AH/
February-March ab 627; cf. Jones, “The Chronology of the Maghazi,” 251.

Q Ahzab 33:25.

“perfumed himself” (istajmara): the Arabic might also be translated “he cleaned himself
with stones”—i.e., he performed an act of ritual purification called for after attending to
the call of nature (Ar. al-istinj@’).

“the sun had set . . .”: the late-afternoon prayer, or salat al-‘asr, must be prayed before
sunset, the concern often being expressed that undertaking the prayer during sunset
could potentially be misconstrued as sun worship. See Rubin, “Morning and Evening
Prayers.”

“brethren of apes and pigs”: in the Qur’an, God punished Jews who violated the Sabbath
by transforming them into apes and pigs (Q Baqarah 2:65, Ma idah 5:60, A‘raf 7:166); cf.
Rubin, Between Bible and Qur'an, 213 ff.

“pound like a captive atop a jenny ass” (asiran ‘ald atan): Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh appears
here to have been brought bound, and thus against his will, in order to utter a sentence
approved by the Prophet himself. Sa‘d ibn Mu‘adh may have been bound to keep him
propped up because he suffered from a fatal arrow wound, from which he purportedly
died soon after the massacre of the Qurayzah clan. The account of al-Zuhri, however,
does not mention these wounds. Contrast his reticence here in al-Zuhri’s account with
Sa‘d’s sanguine participation in the Qurayzah’s sentencing as depicted in Ibn Hisham,
2:239-40; trans. Guillaume, 463 f. Cf. Kister, “The Massacre of the Bana Qurayzah,”
62-63, 90-91.

Cf. Q Al ‘Imran 3:154.

The conquest of the Jewish settlement north of Medina known as Khaybar represents
in our text a fulfillment of promised glory after the disappointment of Hudaybiyah. The
narrative of Khaybar’s conquest is, notably, followed by the fulfillment of the Prophet’s
promise that they indeed would undertake another lesser pilgrimage (‘umrah) a year
after Hudaybiyah (see ch. 2).

Q Fath 48:20.

“under the tree” (tahta I-shajarah): on the day of al-Hudaybiyah, some 1,500 men
renewed their oath of fealty to Muhammad under an acacia tree (samura). See Juynboll,
Canonical Hadith, 496a, 578b. The phrase is also used in connection with the pledge at
al-‘Aqabah that set the stage for Muhammad and the Emigrants’ Hijrah to Medina; see
Rubin, Eye of the Beholder, 182-83.

“took the fifth portion as was his right” (khammasa): this passage refers to Muhammad

having enacted the khums (or “fifth share”) law stipulated in Q Anfal 8:41. In essence, the

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Notes

khums is the Prophet’s share of the battle gains to be used for charity and the common
good of the community.

“month of Dht |-Qa‘dah”: ie., in March AD 629 and over a full year after al-Hudaybiyah.
“order him to leave”: what al-Zuhri describes here harkens back to the stipulations
agreed to in the treaty of al-Hudaybiyah (see chapter 2 above).

“thirteenth of Ramadan”: viz., 13 Ramadan 8 = 3 January AD 630.

This narrative relates the nearly bloodless conquest of Muhammad’s native city of Mecca
and, finally, the integration of his most implacable enemies from the Meccan Quraysh
into the community of believers. Particularly conspicuous in our text is the great deal of
attention dedicated to the experiences of Abt Sufyan as he converts to Islam (an event
telescoped in the narrative of his encounter with Heraclius in 2.7), since he is the forefa-
ther of the Umayyad caliphal dynasty that patronized the scholarship of Ma‘mar’s princi-
pal teacher, al-Zuhri. Even more intriguing is that Abi Sufyan’s companion throughout
is the Prophet's uncle, al-‘Abbas, the progenitor of the Abbasid caliphal dynasty that
would supplant the Umayyads in 132/750.

“his approach from Syria”: viz., the Meccan Quraysh sent this message to him on his
return journey from Syria and after his having spoken with Heraclius about the pro-
phetic claims of his kinsman Muhammad.

“Red Death” (al-mawt al-ahmar): a particularly striking metaphor for slaughter.

“so ready for war and so arrayed in their tribes” (sabah gawmin fi diyarihim): absent in
the English rendering is that the conquest transpired in the early morning as “a morning
incursion” (sabah).

“had returned to him”: meaning that al-‘Abbas was negotiating with the Meccans, and
the Prophet and his followers were waiting for al-‘Abbas to send his envoy back to
Muhammad with word of the status of the negotiations.

“what the Thaqif did. . .”: i.e., the Thaqif tribe murdered ‘Urwah, who was a Muslim at
the time; see his entry in the glossary.

The Khuza‘ah and Bakr clans were allied with the Medinese Muslims and Meccan
Quraysh, respectively, and in the course of the conquest a battle broke out between the
two clans. See El, art. “Khuza‘a” (M.J. Kister).

“and a woman”: tradition records at least two women killed, so the identity of the
woman referred to here is uncertain. One likely possibility is the second of Ibn Khatal’s
two singing-girls, Fartana and Arnab (or Qaribah). Fartana allegedly repented at Mec-
ca’s conquest, but Arnab remained defiant and was murdered. The second possibility is
a slave girl named Sarah, who joined Muhammad in Medina as a Muslim but later apos-

tatized from Islam and returned to Mecca. After her return, she sang songs impugning

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Notes

Muhammad. Sarah was reputedly killed by ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (Baladhuri, Ansab, 1:900
f.); however, other accounts give Sarah another, similarly woeful, death, claiming that
though Muhammad spared her life, she was later trampled to death by horses at al-Abtah
in Mecca during the reign of the second caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab (Tabari, Tarikh,
1:1641). On the other figures mentioned, see the Glossary.

Q 110, Surat al-Nasr.

“the rear of the Hawazin tribe” (Ar. ‘Ujz Hawazin): in speaking of the “rear” (‘ujz) of
Hawazin the account refers specifically to three of its clans: Jusham ibn Mu‘awiyah ibn
Bakr, Nasr ibn Mu‘awiyah ibn Bakr, and Sa‘d ibn Bakr. See E12, “Hawazin” (W. M. Watt).
Q Tawbah 9:25.

“caused their hearts to turn” (Ar. yata‘allafuhum): a reference to “those whose hearts
were caused to turn (al-mw‘allafah qulibuhum)” in Q Tawbah 9:60, a verse interpreted
as referring to those Meccan leaders, such as Abt Sufyan and his sons, who received
payment from the Prophet’s share of the spoils from Hunayn as a reward for their recon-
ciliation with him at the conquest of Mecca.

“a coat of mail”: contrast this to the Prophet’s approach toward Mecca in the garments
of a pilgrim in chapter 2, on al-Hudabiyah.

“leather stirrup” (Ar. gharz): this is perhaps an anachronism, since the usage of stir-
rups seems to have been a late-Umayyad innovation. See Kennedy, Armies of the Caliphs,
171-72.

“companions of the acacia tree” (Ar. ashab al-samura): viz., those 1,500 or so who gave
their oath of fealty, known as bay‘at al-ridwan, to the Prophet under the acacia tree after
the events of Hudaybiyah (see above).

“furnace”: in Arabic watis, a play on the name of the valley of Awtas, where the encamp-
ment of Hawazin was situated prior to the battle at Hunayn.

“the invocations preceding the early morning prayer” (Ar. qunit salat al-ghadah): the
word for invocations here, qunut, is a technical term for either invocations or curses
integrated into the five ritual prayers between the recitation of the Qur’an and the full
prostration (sajdah).

“imprisoning them”: probably in their homes or other makeshift structures rather than a
formal prison. See Anthony, “The Domestic Origins of Imprisonment.”

“twice a day, morning and evening” (tarafay al-nahar bukratan wa ‘ashiyyatan): the
times of day associated with prayer, cf. Q Hud 11:114, Maryam 19:11, 61.

“the two fields of lava rock” (Ar. al-harratayn): the topography of Yathrib (later:

Medina) was famous for its marshy lands where its inhabitants cultivated date palms,

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Notes

and for two stretches of lava rock that lay adjacent to the city, creating its most conspicu-
ous natural boundary.

I.e., Asma used one nifaq to tie the leather pouch filled with provisions for the Hijrah
and another to tie her dress around her waist. The title “Dhat al-Nitaqayn,” however,
may have first appeared as a pejorative designation with vague sexual insinuations that
the Umayyads concocted to besmirch the dignity of the mother of the “counter-caliph”
‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, who sought to overthrow the dynasty from 63/683 to 73/692.
See Bitan, “Asma Dhat al-Nitaqayn.”

Q Anfal 8:30.

Cf. 1 Sam. 24:2-7 and Maghen, “Davidic Motifs,” 106 ff.

“A bounty...” (Ar. diyah): usually the wergild, being the standard compensation for
an individual’s wrongful death, often set at one hundred camels of specific types (see
Juynboll, Canonical Hadith, 78a), but in this case, it is a reward offered by the Quraysh
for killing an undesirable, renegade kinsman.

“divining arrows” (Ar. al-azlam): special arrows lacking both feathers and arrowheads,
and used for lot-casting.

That the Jews of the Hejaz lived in towering structures is a common theme of both the
Hadith and the Qur’an; e.g., see Q Ahzab 33:26 and Dhariyat 51:2.

Le., in September AD 622; on the symbolism of Monday, see Rubin, Eye of the Beholder,
191.

Cf. Q Tawbah 9:108.

“load of Khaybar”: Khaybar’s load was that of dates and the riches of their sale, as
opposed to the load of bricks, whose value to God and the believers far outstripped
their otherwise paltry material worth.

The issue of the Prophet’s recitation of poetry is a particularly sensitive one, as his ene-
mies often denounced him as a mere poet (Ar. shd‘ir; see Q Anbiya 21:5, Tur 52:30);
thus, al-Zuhri emphasizes that this instance during the construction of Medina’s mosque
was a unique case; an exception to the rule. The Qur’an vehemently denies that the rev-
elation is poetry and that its prophet is in any way a poet (Q Ya Sin 36:69-70). It also
speaks of poets as mendacious sinners inspired by demons (Q Shu‘ara’ 26:221-4). The
relationship between the poets and Islam was not hopelessly fraught, though, as the
Qur’an speaks well of poets who believe (227), and Muhammad famously employed
poets such as his bard Hassan ibn Thabit. See Gilliot, “Poéte ou prophéte?”

Q Hajj 22:39.

“as God decreed”: an allusion to Q Anfal 8:7, «Remember how God promised you that

one of the two enemy groups would fall to you: you wanted the unarmed group to be

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Notes

yours, but it was God’s will to establish truth according to His Word and to finish off the
disbelievers. »

“he did not enroll them in a military register” (Ar. 1a yajma‘uhum diwan): the narrator,
Ka’b ibn Malik, here refers to the diwan al-jund, the “military roll,” established by the
second caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab during the Islamic conquests and wherein all the
participants in the Islamic conquests were registered according to their precedence in
Islam (al-sabiqah) and tribal genealogy (al-nasab). The military registry was also the
means whereby the warriors’ pay and rations were distributed and calculated.

Q Tawbah 9:118.

“final third of the night” (Ar. thulth al-layl): the night in Islamic law began with the
sunset prayer (salat al-maghrib) and ended with the daybreak prayer (salat al-fajr), with
the intervening time being divided into thirds.

Q Tawbah 9:117-8.

Q Tawbah 9:119.

Cf. Q Tawbah 9:96.

“appointed . . . as his vicegerent” (Ar. istakhlafa ‘alayna): i.e., he made ‘Ali the author-
ity in his absence. The verb istakhlafa means that ‘Ali was Muhammad’s “caliph” (Ar.
khalifa) during his absence, an action often cited by the Shi‘ah to prove that Muhammad
intended his son-in-law ‘Ali to be his direct successor after his death.

Cf. Q Mujadilah 58:26-33.

An episode containing a story that extols the loyalty and fighting prowess of the Khazraj,
one of the two main tribal faction of the Medinese Allies. The story exhorts as much as it
entertains. In a thorough study of these events and the multitude of traditions thereon,
Harald Motzki has demonstrated that the original story belongs to the earliest stratum of
maghdazi materials to survive; see his “The Murder of Ibn Abi Huqayq.”

The story of Ka‘b’s assassination by the Aws is not recorded by ‘Abd al-Razzaq in his
recension of Ma‘mar’s Kitab al-Maghazi, but it does appear in his Qur’an commentary;
see ‘Abd al-Razzaq, Tafsir, 1: 164-65. See also Rubin, “The Assassination of Ka‘b b. al-
Ashraf,” and Ka‘b’s entry in the glossary.

“He’s gone” (Ar. faza): the text here reproduces the accent of the Jews of Khaybar by
having the man’s wife say faza rather than the more “correct” fada [ruhuh].

Cf. Q Ahzab 33:28-34, 28-53.

Cf. Q Baqarah 2:10.

“divorce his wife” (Ar. firag ahlihi): here, as in what immediately follows, the word
rendered variously as “wife” or “household” translates the Arabic afl, literally mean-

ing family or household. Note in the passages to follow how Usamah’s reference to the

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Notes

Prophet’s “household” rather than directly naming ‘A’ishah follows the cultural protocol
requiring one to speak only in an indirect manner about a man’s wife, out of deference
to his or her honor. Note also that the following passage discreetly reveals ‘Ali’s thinly
veiled contempt for ‘A’ishah when ‘Ali directly references ‘A’ishah as “her.”

Q Yusuf 12:18.

QNdr 24:11, 12-21.

QNur 24:22.

“punished . . . according to God’s law” (Ar. haddahum): the reference here is to Q Nur
24:4-5, «As for those who accuse chaste women of fornication, and then fail to provide
four witnesses, strike them eighty times, and reject their testimony ever afterwards:
they are lawbreakers, except for those who repent later and make amends—God is most
merciful and forgiving.»

Here begins a section encompassing chapters 17-19 in which Ma‘mar adds additional
narrative materials not transmitted from al-Zuhri and relating to the so-called “stories
of the prophets” (Ar. qisas al-anbiya’), which are expansions of narratives found in, or
alluded to by, the Qur’an.

“were Muslims” (kanu muslimin): Ma‘mar here does not intend to speak anachronisti-
cally per se; rather, he asserts—as does the Qur’an—that they followed the true faith
of Islam, which is timeless and therefore also practiced by many prophets before
Muhammad, such as Abraham, Moses, and Jesus and his followers (see, e.g., Q Al
‘Imran 3:52, 67).

Q Burtj 85:4-8.

By placing these events in Najran, ‘Abd al-Razzaq explicitly connects this legend not
only to Q 85, Strat al-Burij, but also to the Christian martyrdom stories that circulated
regarding the South Arabian martyrs of the fifth to sixth centuries ap, such as Azqir,
St. Arethas (Ar. al-Harith), and the so-called “sixty martyrs” of Najran executed by the
Jewish king Dht Nuwas in Ap 523. See Beeston, “The Martyrdom of Azqir”; Sizgorich,
“The Martyrs of Najran”; and Beaucamp, Briquel-Chatonnet, and Robin, Juifs et chré-
tiens en Arabie. For a survey of Muslim versions of the story, see D. Cook, “The Ashab
al-Ukhdid.”

An Islamic adaptation of a Christian legend known as “The Seven Sleepers of Ephesus”
placed in the reign of the Roman emperors Decius (r. 249-51) and Theodosius II
(r. 408-50), the story circulated in many versions in both the Christian and Islamic
worlds. This early Arabic retelling, however, seems to be most directly dependant on

that of the Syriac-speaking historian Zacharias Rhetor of Mytilene (ca. aD 465-536).

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Notes

See Griffith, “Christian Lore and the Arabic Qur’an”; Reynolds, The Qur’an and Its Bib-
lical Subtext, 167-85.

Whereas previous tales related by Ma‘mar seem to have arrived into the Islamic tradition
via Christian sources, the story of Solomon related here has its closest parallels in rab-
binic tales of the demon Asmodeus (e.g., see b.Gittin 7.68 and y.Sanhedrin, 2.20c). On
other Muslim versions of the story, see Klar, “And We cast upon his throne a mere body.”
Q Sad 38:34.

“But [the demon] did not exercise any authority over his wives” (lam yusallit ‘ala nis@’ih):
that it is the demon who did not excerise authority over Solomon’s wives and not Solo-
mon himself is made clear in a longer account preserved by Ibn ‘Asakir, Dimashg, 2:250,
wa-malaka kulla shay’in kana yamlikuhu Sulayman illa annahu lam yusallit ‘ala nis@ih.
Here, the account provides an Islamic perspective on the depiction of Solomon as an
esoteric king with dominion and mastery over demons and occult knowledge, an image
that had become increasingly prominent in the Late Antique world prior to the rise of
Islam, and one addressed directly by the Qur’an (e.g., Q Baqarah 2:106, Anbiya’ 21:81-
82, Saba’ 34:12-14). See Torijano, Solomon, the Esoteric King.

Cf. Q Nisa 4:34.

In Islamic law, both coitus and sleep require one to undertake ritual washing (ghus/) and
ablutions (wudi’), respectively, before undertaking prayer; here, the demon, having
assumed the guise of Solomon, shows no concern for any of these matters.

Q Sad 38:35.

“Pouring medicine into the corner of his mouth” (Ar. fi laddihi): the term ladd here
refers to administering an Abyssinian medicine known as ladiid; it was apparently a type
of balm applied orally. See Ullmann, Worterbuch, 2:436-37, 439.

“found it displeasing to say so” (14 tatibu laha nafsan bi-khayr): i.e., ‘Xishah wished not
to mention ‘Ali due to her well-known antipathy toward him.

Le., Ka‘b ibn Malik; this is a reference to the story related in ch. 13.

“cloak” (Ar. khamisah): a garment usually described as a black cloak with adorned
edges, worn by both women and men and often used as a sleeping garment. See Still-
man and Stillman, Arab Dress, 13.

Visiting and mourning at gravesites was a fraught practice in early Islam and remained
highly contested among later scholars. On this topic, see Diem and Schdller, The Living
and the Dead in Islam, 2:11-167 and Halevi, Muhammad's Grave.

“mistresses of Joseph” (Ar. sawahib Yisuf): the Prophet’s comment alludes to an epi-
sode in the story of the prophet Joseph found in Q Yusuf 12:30-34. In this episode, the

mistress of the house invites several women over for a feast, but her true intent is to

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Notes

show the ladies the irresistible beauty of her slave, Joseph, whom she had attempted
to seduce. In the Qur’an, the episode demonstrates the formidable wiles (Ar. kayd)
of women (cf. 28). Muhammad thus likens ‘A’ishah to these women because she, by
objecting to Abu Bakr leading the prayer, is only pretending to be concerned about Abi
Baktr’s frailty. In fact, she frets over any bad luck that may result from him becoming the
Prophet's successor. In this way, the Prophet’s statement reveals that he sees through her
gambit and perceives the true source of her objections.

The Prophet’s house was a part of the structure of the central mosque in Medina, so he
could easily watch the goings-on from inside the chamber where he lay ill. See Halm,
“Der Masgid des Propheten.”

An outer garment known as a rida’, here translated as “robe,” could double as a mat
for sitting upon the dusty ground. Seeing Muhammad sitting on the ground atop
his rida’, al-‘Abbas suggests that he sit on a chair instead and thus be spared the dust
kicked up from petitioners and litigants coming to see him to settle their disputes. That
Muhammad, so weak and weary from his sickness, cares not whether they struggle to sit
even upon his own ridd@ and rudely trample upon his heels reveals to al-‘Abbas that the
hour of his death draws near.

The corruptibility of the Prophet’s corpse became a matter of controversy in subse-
quent centuries, but here the humanity of the Prophet is staunchly affirmed. On this
issue and the initial expectations that Muhammad might rise from the dead, see Szilagyi,
“A Prophet like Jesus?”

“servant of the staff” (Ar. ‘abd al-‘asa): meaning that the Prophet will die in three days,
after which the leadership of the community will fall to someone other than ‘Ali. The
image here is that of a slave subject to being beaten harshly with a staff by an unsympa-
thetic master, and therefore unquestioning in his obedience.

“those ... your right hand possesses”: i.e., those whom you own. The phrasing is taken
from the Qur’an (e.g., Q Nisa 4:24, Mu’mintn 23:6, Ahzab 33:52).

“hibarah cloak”: a woolen cloth, probably covered with striped designs; see Stillman
and Stillman, Arab Dress, 14-15.

Q Al ‘Imran 3:144.

“second of the two” (Ar. thani al-ithnayn): a reference to Q Tawbah 9:40b «When the
two of them were in the cave, he said to his companion, “Do not worry, God is with
us,” and God sent His calm down to him, aided him with forces invisible to you, and
brought down the disbelievers’ plan». As traditionally interpreted, this verse refers to
Muhammad and Abt Bakr hiding from the Meccans in the cave called Thawr during the
Hijrah from Mecca to Medina. See Rubin, “The Life of Muhammad and the Qur’an.”

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Notes

“testament ... The Scripture of God”: the word for testament and scripture in this pas-
sage is the same: kitab, meaning simply a book or piece of writing. The anxiety expressed
here is that, if Muhammad writes down a kitab as his testament, it could be confused
with God’s Kitab, the Qur’an, which alone is Scripture.

“we were in Mina”: the Hashim clan of the Quraysh, the clan of the Prophet of which Ibn
‘Abbas was a member, had their residences near a piedmont (Ar. shi‘b) in Mina.

“a man of your ranks... to so-and-so”: in an alternative transmission from Ma‘mar, these
persons are named. The speaker is the Prophet’s companion al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam,
and it is ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib to whom he pledges to swear his oath of fealty. Ma‘mar’s text,
therefore, might have been censored here by ‘Abd al-Razzaq. See Baladhuri, Ansa, 2:8.
“the market .. . vulgar mobs”: the hajj season and the busiest season of the markets
naturally coincided, bringing with them masses of people whose behavior and conduct
could lead to unpredictable results. Ibn ‘Abbas wisely advises ‘Umar to avoid inflaming
any disputes in this tinderbox.

“Friday Congregation” (Ar. al-jumu‘ah): the day for the collective prayer in which a
sermon is delivered in the main mosque.

“the verse on stoning” (Ar. dyat al-rajm): ‘Umar here discusses a verse famously alleged
to have been omitted from the Qur’an. Here his comments foreshadow the verse’s exclu-
sion from the collection of the Qur'an commissioned by his successor, ‘Uthman ibn
‘Affan.

“Umar gives two versions of the verse on stoning, both of which he abbreviates. The full
verse reads: «Do not yearn for ancestors other than your own, for it is an effrontery to
faith. If a man and woman advanced in years commit adultery, then stone the two and
such is the decisive punishment from God; God is almighty and all wise (/a targhibi
‘an aba’ikum fa-innahu kufran bikum al-shaykh wa’l-shaykhah idha zaniya farjamuhuma
al-battata nakalan min Allah wa’Llahu ‘azizun hakimun).» Where the verse once stood
in the Qur’an is a matter of disagreement in the tradition, the two main options offered
being Q 33, Strat al-Ahzab or 24, Strat al-Nur. See Noldeke, et al., History of the Qur'an,
199-201.

“Mary’s son”: Jesus the son of Mary, so called in order to emphasize the humanity of
Jesus despite being born of a Virgin (e.g., Q Al ‘Imran 3:45-59 and Maryam 19:17-21),
and thus to eschew the Christian practice of calling him “the Son of God.”

The speaker here again, according to an alternative transmission of the report from

Ma‘mar, is al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam. See Baladhuri, Ansab, 2:8.

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Notes

“hasty decision” (Ar. faltah): the term here, faltah, suggests an ad hoc solution and thus
indicates that the action, though undertaken by one of exemplary station, does not
establish a precedent worthy of emulation.

A “stout rubbing post” (al-judhayl al-muhakkak) provides relief for a camel with an itch;
a “short palm heavy laden with fruit” (al-‘udhayg al-murajjab) is the pride of its owner.
The speaker here, al-Hubab ibn Mundhir, compares himself to both, presuming that he
has found the solution to the conflict before them.

“commanders... aides” (Ar. umara’. . . wuzard’): the Allies, as their Arabic name
“Ansar” literally suggests, are to be the aides to the Quraysh. In calling the Ansar aides
to the Quraysh, ‘Umar uses the word wazir, a word that has been Anglicized as vizier.
However, he does not use it in the sense that it assumes in the Abbasid period—i.e.,
a powerful administrative magnate of the caliph—but rather in its qur’anic sense, in
which Aaron is called the aide (wazir) to Moses (Q Ta Ha 20:29, Furqan 25:35).
“consultation” (Ar. mashwarah): ‘Umar here means to emphasize the importance of
deciding a leader by means of a Shura. For a description of the procedures and purpose
of the Shura, see the glossary and Crone, “Shira as an Elective Institution.”

Cf. Q Shura 42:38 and n. 242 below.

“two slaves” (Ar. ‘abddn): in a separate transmission of this report, the reading “two
riding-camels (ba%rdn)” appears in place of “two slaves”; see Abu ‘Ubayd, Amal, 220
(no. 361). However, the reading above is supported from another report attributed to
‘Umar in which he states, ja‘altu fi I-‘abd ‘abdayn wa-fi *bn al-amah ‘abdayn; see Ibn
Sa‘d, Tabaqat, 3:353.

“Abi |-Hasan”: ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, known as Abu |-Hasan after his eldest son al-Hasan
ibn ‘Ali.

“the Six”: the six members of the Shura ‘Umar appointed on his deathbed to determine
the next leader of the community; see the following chapter.

On his deathbed ‘Umar appointed six of the most prominent Companions of Muhammad
to choose one of their own number as the next leader of the community by means of a
Shura. Tradition is at odds as to who exactly numbered among the six—indeed, only five
names are mentioned in Ma‘mar’s account from al-Zuhri here (but cf. 28.6 below; see
also Crone, “Shira as an Elective Institution,” p. 5 for the other alleged candidates)—
but tradition is more or less unanimous in asserting that the two main candidates were
Muhammad's son-in-law from the Umayyad clan, ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan, and Muhammad’s
son-in-law and first cousin from the Hashim clan, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib. The practice of
deciding leadership via a Shura is attested to in the Qur’an (see Q Al ‘Imran 3:159 and

Shura 42:38), but the application of this process of adjudication to determining the

243

244

245

246

247

248

Notes

leadership of the Muslim community is an innovation by ‘Umar, aimed at preventing
the outbreak of civil strife between the competing candidates, whom he seems to have
regarded as equally capable (or incapable) of acting as the Commander of the Faith-
ful. In any case, although the Shura was often called for in subsequent decades, “Umar’s
institution never again decided the leadership of the Islamic polity as seen here and vir-
tually disappeared into obsolescence within a century’s time. This event is revisited at
28.6 and ch. 29.

“his bond... and his cupidity” (Ar. ‘“aqgdahu wa-atharatahu): ‘Uthman’s loyalty to the
Umayyah clan of the Quraysh, who rise to become the first caliphal dynasty that his sub-
sequent reign facilitates, was notorious, as was his fondness for wealth.

“Too stubborn” (Ar. daris): more precisely, to be stubborn to the point of irascibility;
the image conveyed by the word is that of a man with his teeth set on edge.

‘Ali's collected Qur’an mentioned here never became the standard codex (mushaf) as did
“Uthman’s; however, among ‘Ali's partisans, the Shi‘ah, his codex, and the superiority
thereof to ‘Uthman’s have been frequently debated. Cf. Modarressi, Tradition and Sur-
vival, 2-4 and Kohlberg and Amir-Moezzi, Revelation and Falsification.

The caliphate of ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan ended in Dhi 1-Hijjah 35/June 656 with his assas-
sination by a faction of Muslims who cited as justification for their actions his misrule of
the community and his refusal to abdicate.

In terms of chronological scope, this chapter is by far the most sweeping. It covers the
last expeditionary raids ordered by the Prophet, offers a brief chronological overview of
the reigns of his four successors (Aba Bakr, ‘Umar, ‘Uthman, and ‘Ali), and culminates
in a narrative of the Great Civil Strife (Ar. al-fitnah al-kubra) that ensued after the assas-
sination of ‘Uthman in Dh |-Hijjah 35/June 656. The narrative then recounts the con-
flicts ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib engaged in throughout his bid to become recognized as the sole
legitimate Commander of the Faithful: the Battle of the Camel and the Battle of Siffin.
The end of the hostilities—marked by Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan’s appeasement of ‘Ali’s
party after the latter’s assassination in Ramadan 40/January 661 and his consolidation
of power over the Muslim community from his base in Damascus, Syria—is regaled
in Muslim historiography as the “Year of Communal Solidarity” (Ar. ‘am al-jama‘ah).
A key theme throughout the narrative is the polar opposition of civil strife (fitnah) and
communal solidarity (jama‘ah).

According to other accounts, ‘Amr’s expeditionary force is sent first, on account of his
kinship ties with the tribes of the region, but fearing the hazards he encounters there,
he sends a request for reinforcements from the Prophet. It is the auxiliary forces subse-

quently dispatched to ‘Amr’s aid that Abi ‘Ubaydah commands and that, presumably,

Yea 308

249

250

251

252

253

254
255

256

Notes

he hands over to ‘Amr’s command. See Kister, “On the Papyrus of Wahb b. Munabbih,”
557 ff.

“O sons of ‘Abd Manaf. . .”: ‘Ali and Khalid belonged to the Hashim and Umayyad clans
of the Quraysh, respectively, and both clans belonged to ‘Abd Manaf, putatively the
strongest and most important branch of Quraysh. Neither of the first two rulers to suc-
ceed Muhammad, Abi Bakr and ‘Umar, belonged to this powerful branch of Quraysh,
and thus their leadership is interpreted by Khalid as an affront to both the Hashim and
Umayyah clans. Incidentally, the two dynasties of caliphs, the Umayyads and Abbasids,
both came from these descendants of ‘Abd Manaf.

“So shall you be forced to relinquish command” (Ar. innaka la-tatraku imratahu ‘ala
al-taghalub): a more literal rendering would say “his appointment over you as com-
mander,” wherein “his” refers to the Prophet’s appointment of Khalid ibn Sa‘id as a com-
mander (amir) over an expeditionary force to Yemen.

According to other accounts, Khalid approached ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan with the same
concerns as he did ‘Ali and delayed pledging his allegiance to Abi Bakr as Commander
of the Faithful for two months. See Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, 13-14 and
Baladhuri, Ansab, 2:17.

‘Umar’s antipathy toward Khalid ibn al-Walid is legendary, but many accounts attri-
bute the caliph’s decision to dismiss Khalid to his use of the booty of the conquest to
enrich himself and other tribal notables, while neglecting the poor; see ‘Athamina,
“The Appointment and Dismissal of Khalid ibn al-Walid,” 260 ff.

“God has taken Yazid” (Ar. ihtasib Yazida): the phrase ihtasib is said to one bereaved of
a child and literally means “take care to seek God’s reward.” As an admonition, it serves
as a warning not to mourn the death of one’s child excessively and, instead, to show
forbearance. Abi Sufyan’s measured reply shows his piety. See Halevi, Muhammad’
Grave, 114 ff.

“May the bonds of kinship keep you” (Ar. wasalatka rahim): an expression of gratitude.
Al-Walid ibn ‘Ugbah’s offense was drunkenness; see Anthony, The Caliph and the Her-
etic, 36-37.

“the settlers in Egypt” (Ar. ahl Misr): the word translated as settlers here literally means
“people” or “inhabitants,” but here the references are not to the local inhabitants of
Egypt per se, but rather to the Arabian tribesmen who settled in the conquered territo-
ries in the newly established garrison cities, such as al-Fustat in Egypt (near the site of

modern-day Cairo) and Basra and Kifah in Iraq.

257

258

259

260

261

262

263
264
265

266

267

Notes

The manuscript reads “‘Abd Allah ibn al-Harith ibn Hisham,” which seems to be an error
given that ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Harith ibn Hisham was the famed participant in the
Battle of the Camel. See Baladhuri, Ansab, 5:240.

Talhah did indeed die during the battle, but only after it had been lost and, even then, at
the hands of his supposed ally Marwan ibn al-Hakam. See Baladhuri, Ansab, 2:225-26;
cf. Madelung, Succession, 171 f.

“murdered . . . Wadi 1-Siba®: that is, Ibn al-Zubayr did not die on the field of battle.
Tradition is unanimous that al-Zubayr fled the field of battle and, for his cowardice after
having led Muslims into war against one another, was tracked down in Wadi 1-Siba‘ and
killed by Ibn Jurmiiz. See Madelung, Succession, 170 f.

“elite vanguard”: the shurtat al-khamis of ‘Ali, consisting of several thousand warriors
willing to give their lives for ‘Ali. See Ebstein, “Shurta Chiefs,” 106-7.

The two arbiters mentioned here are ‘Amr ibn al-‘As and Abia Musa I-Ash ‘ari, who were
appointed by Mu‘awiyah and ‘Ali, respectively, to settle the differences between their
two warring parties peacefully. The arbitration took place during the period after the
stalemate at the Battle of Siffin in Safar 36/July 657. See Hinds, “The Siffin Arbitration
Agreement.”

L.e., ‘Amr has even more contempt for al-Mughirah and his ilk than he does for ‘Ali and
his partisans.

Q Ataf 7:175-6.

Q Jumu‘ah 62:5.

Recognizing Ibn ‘Umar as a potential rival, Mu‘awiyah sought to provoke him into open
confrontation by claiming an even greater right to lead the Muslims than his father,
“Umar ibn al-Khattab.

Lots were cast using divining arrows, here called “the arrows of God” (siham Allah), to
determine God’s portion—the fifth, or khums—apart from that of the conquering army.
See Crone and Silverstein, “Lot-Casting,” 428-29.

In this chapter, the narratives detail the disaffection that spread among the members of
the Prophet’s clan, the Hashimites, after and because of the appointment of Abt Bakr as
Commander of the Faithful. In particular, those who voice grievances are the Prophet’s
uncle al-‘Abbas, his daughter Fatimah, and his son-in-law and cousin ‘Ali. Such disaf-
fection, the narratives relate, was not limited to the Hashim clan’s disagreements with
Abit Bakr; it also produced rancor among the clan members themselves. Abi Bakr and
“Umar, the narratives emphasize, did their best to placate the parties while remaining
unyieldingly faithful to the Prophet’s instructions, but even their sagacious and discern-

ing measures did not resolve all the matters.

Y\: 310

268

269
270

271

272

273

Notes

“We prophets leave no heir; whatever we leave behind is for charity” (Ar. /a@ nirithu ma
tarakna sadaqatun): this saying and its interpretation is much contested between the
Sunnis and the Shi‘ah as well as their respective forebears. In versions of the prophetic
hadith favorable to the claims of ‘Ali and Fatimah, the rendering of the sentence changes
slightly, so as to read “What we prophets have left behind for charity cannot be inher-
ited (/a yurath ma tarakna sadagatan)—with the consequence of rendering all prop-
erty otherwise possessed by Muhammad heritable by his descendants. See Goldziher,
Muslim Studies, 2:102 f.

Q Hashr 59:6.

I.e., merely to provide for the necessities of life for the Prophet’s family and for charity.

This passage firmly dates Ma‘mar’s reception of the story from al-Zuhri to the reign of
the Umayyad caliph Hisham ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. Ma‘mar’s subsequent comments also
suggest that the transmission of his materials to ‘Abd al-Razzaq postdates the revolt of
‘Abd Allah ibn al-Hasan’s sons Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyyah (killed in 145/762) and
Ibrahim ibn ‘Abd Allah (killed in 146/763), after which the Abbasid caliph al-Mansur
seized the properties from ‘Ali's descendants. The caliph al-Mahdi returned the
estates to Alids during his reign from 158/775 to 169/785, but Ma‘mar died long before,
in 153/770. See Samhudi, Wafa’, 3:416-17.

‘Umar’s leadership as Commander of the Faithful ended abruptly with his assassina-
tion at the hands of a slave. The slave was a Persian taken captive during the Islamic
conquests in the East and had been transported to Medina for his skill as a craftsman.
The story is a prescient and tragic example of an emerging tension in the early Islamic
polity: the presence of massive numbers—tens of thousands, if not more—of non-Arabs
enslaved as captives of war and now required to assimilate and work in the elite conquest
culture of their new masters. These non-Arabs are called mawaili (sg. mawld) in Arabic,
a word usually rendered as “slave-client,” but that entails a much more formal relation-
ship of servitude and patronage. A tribal patron essentially guarantees a client access
to Muslim society via captivity, slavery, or conversion. As this process was often forced
upon the clients as the result of captivity and/or enslavement, it is hardly surprising that
this created a situation with the potential for conflagration. Revisited here as well is the
process behind ‘Umar’s Shura that led, much to the dismay of the Hashim clan, to the
appointment of ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan as the next Commander of the Faithful. See also the
previous narrative in ch. 21.

“a single prostration made to God” (Ar. sajdah sajadaha li-Llah): ‘Umar expresses his
gratitude to God that he was killed by a non-Muslim rather than by a Muslim whose

prostrations in prayer could have potentially outnumbered his.

¥\\ & 3il

274

275

276

277

278

279

280

281

Notes

“He gave ‘Umar date wine to drink” (Ar. saqahu nabidhan): the consumption of alcho-
hol and intoxicants is, generally speaking, expressly forbidden in Islamic law, but there
is ambiguity over whether the scriptural prohibition of wine (Ar. khamr) in Q Ma@idah
5:90 applies only to beverages fermented from grapes or to all intoxicating drinks. Some
early jurists, therefore, allowed the consumption of date wine (nabidh), but not grape
wine (khamr). ‘Umar’s consumption of date wine is explained as either reflecting the
view that only grape wine (khamr) was forbidden or by asserting that the so-called
nabidh here refers not to wine but, rather, to a drink made by steeping dates in water
without permitting the fermentation process to begin. See Anthony, “The Assassination
of ‘Umar,” 222 and Haider, “Contesting Intoxication,” 158 ff.

“The man from the Mu‘awiyah clan” (Ar. akhi bani mu‘Gwiyah): i.e., the second
doctor who poured milk for him. The first doctor is said to have been from the Allies.
The Mu‘awiyah clan referred to here is not to be confused with Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi
Sufyan; it is, rather, a subtribe of the Kindah of Yemen. Cf. Ibn Sa‘d, Tabaqdt, 3:346 and
Baladhuri, Ansab, 5:381-82.

“the third night ...”: ie., its final night; cf. 29.1.

Although ‘Umar had previously designated ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf as the prayer
leader, here the leader of the prayer is Suhayb ibn Sinan, known as “the Byzantine”
(Ar. al-Rami; lit., “Roman”), an early Companion of Muhammad numbered among the
so-called ahl al-subbagq, or “forerunners,” who are the first of their peoples to convert
to Islam. The ahl al-subbaq are Muhammad, Salman, Suhayb, and Bilal, representing
the Arabs, Persians, Byzantines, and Abyssinians, respectively. See Bashear, Arabs and
Others, 17, 25. Suhayb leads the prayer because, as a non-Qurashi, he is ineligible to be
the community’s leader, and thus his leadership of the prayers during the proceedings
of the Shura does not bias the candidacy of any of its participants as, for instance, Abi
Bakr al-Siddiq’s leading of prayers during Muhammad’s illness purportedly biased the
community in favor of his leadership. Cf. Tabari, Tarikh, 2:2724.

“‘Ubayd Allah implicates certain prominent Qurashis, and probably ‘Ali in particular, in
a conspiracy to murder his father, ‘Umar. Cf. Madelung, Succession, 69 f. and Anthony,

“The Assassination of “Umar,” 220 f.

“the two scuffled with one another” (Ar. tandsaya): lit., “they grabbed each other by
the forelock.”
“God have mercy on Hafsah”: this is an allusion to a report not recorded here that asserts

that it was in fact ‘Umar’s daughter Hafsah who instigated her brother ‘Ubayd Allah to go
on his killing spree. See Anthony, “The Assasination of ‘Umar,’ 220.

See n. 242 above.

¥YNY 312

282

283

284

285

286
287
288

289

290

291

Notes

The meaning is essentially the same: the Aba Rukanah clan is a branch of the Hashim
clan descended from Hashim’s son ‘Abd Yazid. ‘Abd Yazid had a son known as Rukanah
al-Muttalibi who, though famed for his manly prowess and matchless skill as a wrestler,
was bested by the Prophet in a wrestling match. See Guillaume, Life, 178.

I.e., the Umayyah clan. ‘Umar here foreshadows the rise of Umayyad dynasty of caliphs.
‘Uthman’s favoritism of his clan, the Umayyads, during his caliphate notoriously laid
the groundwork for their rise to power under Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan. However, the
account also implies that neither ‘Ali nor ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf would have been any
better in this regard had they assumed leadership of the community as Commander of
the Faithful.

I.e., Ibn ‘Umar, the narrator of the account, states that he is glad to have been absent
from the Shura because it enabled him to be at his father’s bedside as he lay dying from
a stab wound. At his father’s side, Ibn ‘Umar was able to hear these precious last words
of ‘Umar.

“the Arabs will soon apostatize” (Ar. an tartadda I-‘arab): Abi Bakr’s caliphate was
predominately occupied with the so-called Riddah, or Apostasy, Wars—irredentist con-
flicts in which he fought to keep the Arabian tribes united under the banner of Islam.
Abi Bakr has died, and ‘Umar, famed for his hatred of Khalid, now rules.

See 25.2 above.

“the doubt is Abi Bakr’s”: ‘Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani, whose kunyah is Abt Bakr, doesn’t
recall if Ma‘mar related the tradition on Ayyib’s authority from both ‘Ikrimah and Aba
Yazid or just one of the two.

The allusion here is the pact of brotherhood (Ar. al-mwakhah) formed between key
individuals from the Medinese Allies and the Meccan Emigrants to cement the new
alliance minted after the Hijrah. Muhammad, rather than adopting a Medinese as his
brother, instead chose ‘Ali as his brother, an event highlighted by the Shi‘ah as indica-
tive of ‘Ali’s unparalleled bond with the Prophet. See Ibn Hisham, 1:504 ff. (trans. Guil-
laume, 234) and Baladhuri, Ansab, 1:6.41 ff.

Saliva was regarded as a key medium for transmitting blessings from one person to
another. The Hadith are filled with anecdotes in which people bring their children to
be blessed or healed with the saliva of the Prophet. See Chelhod “Le baraka chez les
Arabes”; Giladi, “Some Notes on Tahnik”; and the miracles of Jesus in Mark 8:22 and
John 9:6.

L.e., the Prophet’s wives, to whom the Qur’an explicitly refers as the Believers’ Mothers;

see Q Ahzab 33:6.

Y\Y¥ & 313

Notes

292 “Satan the Accursed” (al-shaytan al-rajim): “Al-Rajim” appears in the Qur’an as an epi-

293

thet of Satan, but its precise meaning is somewhat obscure. Other meanings include
“pelted with stones” and “accuser.” Cf. Silverstein, “On the Original Meaning of
al-shaytan al-rajim.”

The water here not only removes filth but also serves as a means of conveying the purity,

and hence the blessing, of the Prophet to Fatimah and ‘Ali.

YNe 314

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Note: Where possible, I have relied on Elz or E33 for identifying the names of
persons and toponyms; however, for more obscure entries, I have relied heavily
on Islamic tradition. In particular, for identifying persons I used al-Baladhuri’s
Ansab al-ashraf, Jamal al-Din al-Mizzi’s Tahdhib al-Kamal, and Ibn Hajar
al-‘Asqalani’s al-Isabah fi tamyiz al-sahaba. For toponyms, I have predominately
relied on al-Samhtdrs Wafa al-Wafa bi-akhbar dar al-Mustafa and Yaqit’s
Mufam al-buldan. Finally, in arranging the entries in alphabetical order the
Arabic definite article “al-” as well as the Arabic letters hamzah and ‘ayn have
been disregarded. Oft-used terms, such as Mecca, Medina, Companion, Ally,

and Emigrant are not cross-referenced.

‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, al- (d. ca. 32/653) Muhammad’s uncle and the
eponymous ancestor of the Abbasid line of the Hashim clan. His descen-
dants would later dominate the caliphate as the Abbasid dynasty, ruling
over the heartlands of Islamic civilization from 132/750 to 656/1258.

‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib (fl. sixth century aD) Father of Muhammad, he
died while trading in Medina prior to the Prophet’s birth. See Genealogi-
cal Table.

‘Abd Allah ibn Abi Bakr (ibn Abi Quhafah) (d. ca. 12/633) Son of Abi Bakr
al-Siddigq (q.v.), famous for helping his father and Muhammad escape from
Mecca during the Hijrah and his valor at the conquest of Taif.

‘Abd Allah ibn Abi Bakr (ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Amr ibn Hazm) (d. ca. 130/747-
48 or 135/752-53) Nephew of ‘Amrah bint ‘Abd al-Rahman (q.v.), tradent
and Medinese jurist.

Abd Allah ibn ‘Amir ibn Kurayz (d. 57/677 or 59/679) Qurashi noble of the
‘Abd Shams clan and governor of Basra from 29/649-50 to 35/656 under
his maternal cousin “Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.), and again from 41/661 to
44/664 under Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan. He sided with ‘Aishah, Talhah,
and al-Zubayr against ‘Ali at the Battle of the Camel in 36/656.

‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Atik Medinese Ally from the Khazraj tribe famous for leading
the expedition into Khaybar (q.v.) to assassinate Ibn Abi ]-Huqayq (q.v.).

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

He is said to have died fighting at the Battle of Yamamah in 11/632 or with
‘Ali (q.v.) at the Battle of Siffin in 36/657.

‘Abd Allah ibn Hasan (ibn al-Hasan ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib al-Mahd) Leader of
the Hashim clan at the outset of the Abbasid period, he was killed in an
Iraqi prison by the caliph al-Mansur (r. 136-58/754-75) in ca. 144-5/762-
3 during the revolt of his two sons, Muhammad and Ibrahim.

‘Abd Allah ibn Jafar (ibn Abi Talib) (d. between 80/699 and 90/709) Son of
the Prophet’s cousin Ja‘far (q.v.) and Asm@ bint ‘Umays (q.v.), he became a
staunch supporter of his uncle ‘Ali in the Civil War but later eschewed pol-
itics. He maintained a reputation for liberality and patronage in Medina,
earning him the nickname “the Ocean of Generosity” (bahr al-jud).

‘Abd Allah ibn Mastid (d.32/65-63) Companion and famed Qur’an reader.

‘Abd Allah ibn Rawahah Medinese Ally from the Khazraj tribe and poet who
participated in all the major battles of the Prophet until martyred fighting
against the Byzantines in the Battle of Mwtah in 8/629.

‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy ibn Salul (d. 9/631) Powerful chieftain from the Khazraj
tribe remembered as a leading figure among the so-called “Hypocrites”
(al-munafiqin) who either opposed or offered merely lukewarm support
to Muhammad in Medina.

‘Abd Allah ibn Umar ibn al-Khattab (d. ca. 73/693) Companion and brother-
in-law to the Prophet. Eleven years old at the time of the Hijrah, he first
participated in battle at al-Khandaq in 5/627, after which he participated
in all of the subsequent campaigns of the Prophet and even in an illustri-
ous string of battles during the conquests. He remained neutral during the
First Civil War.

‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr ibn al-Awwdadm Son of the Companion and Emigrant
al-Zubayr (q.v.), first Muslim child born after the Hijrah in 2/624, and
counter-caliph in Mecca for nine years prior to his defeat by the Umayyads
in 73/692.

‘Abd Allah ibn Unays (al-Juhani) Medinese Ally who led the expedition to
assassinate the Jewish merchant Ibn Abi 1-Huqayq (q.v.); he died in 54/674
or 80/699-700.

‘Abd Manaf Ancestor of Muhammad and eponymous progenitor of the branch
of the Quraysh that included its two most powerful clans: the Umayyah
clan (‘Abd Shams) and the Hashim clan. See Genealogical Table.

Yt 316

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

‘Abd al-Muttalib (ibn Hashim ibn ‘Abd Manaf) Muhammad’s grandfather, into
whose care he and his mother fell after the death of Muhammad’s father.
See Genealogical Table.

‘Abd al-Qays Eastern Arabian tribe, many of whose members settled in Basra
during the early Islamic conquests.

‘Abd al-Rahman (ibn ‘Abd Allah) ibn Ka‘b ibn Malik (d. ca. 96-125/715-43)
Medinese tradent and great-grandson of the Ally Ka‘b ibn Malik (q.v.).

‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Attab ibn Asid (d. Jumada II 36/November-December
656) Qurashi notable of the ‘Abd Shams clan, whose father ‘Attab, though
he only converted after the conquest of Mecca, served the Prophet and
the first caliph Abi Bakr (q.v.) as governor of Mecca and Taif (q.vv.). ‘Abd
al-Rahman died fighting against ‘Ali (q.v.) at the Battle of the Camel.

‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf (d. 31/652) Emigrant Companion from the Zuhrah
clan of the Quraysh, famed for the fortune he earned as a merchant and
for his role as kingmaker at the Shura convened by the caliph ‘Umar ibn
al-Khattab (q.v.). See Genealogical Table.

‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Azhar Nephew of ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf (q.v.) and
Companion, he witnessed the conquest of Mecca and the Battle of Hunayn
as a youth. He reportedly died during the Umayyads’ siege of Medina, at
the Battle of al-Harrah, in 63/683.

‘Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Harith ibn Hisham (al-Makhzumi) (d. before 60/680)
Qurashi notable and son-in-law of the caliph ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.),
who commissioned him to aid in the project to codify the Qur’an. He
fought against ‘Ali (q.v.) at the Battle of the Camel in 36/656. See Aba Bakr
ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman.

‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Malik al-Mudliji (fl. first/seventh century) Nephew of
Suragah ibn Ju‘shum (q.v.) and al-Zuhri’s source for the story about him.

‘Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani_ (d.211/826) Yemeni tradent, legal scholar, Qur’an
exegete, and the transmitter (rdwi) of Ma‘mar’s book The Expeditions.

Abraham (Ibrahim) Patriarch of biblical fame revered in the Qur’an and
Islamic tradition as a prophet, ancient monotheist (Hanif), founder of the
Kaaba cult in Mecca, and progenitor of the Jews and Arabs through his
sons Isaac (Ishaq) and Ishmael (Isma‘ll), respectively.

Abu ‘Amribnal-Al@ (d. 154/771 or 157/773-74) Basran authority on the Qur’an

revered as one of “seven Qur'an reciters.”

YNV & 317

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Abi |-As ibn Rabi‘ Nephew of Khadijah bint Khuwalyid (q.v.) to whom
Muhammad married his daughter Zaynab (q.v.) prior to being called to
prophethood. Although Abi I-‘As fought against Muhammad at the Battle
of Badr and was taken captive, Zaynab freed him by paying his ransom.
Only after the conquest of Mecca did Abit 1I-‘As, seeking refuge with his
former wife, become a Muslim.

Abu Bakr (ibn Abi Quhafah) al-Siddiq First caliph after Muhammad (cr. 10-13/
632-4) and his father-in-law, he was a wealthy Qurashi merchant and
counted among the first converts, if not the first, to Islam among the Mec-
cans. See Genealogical Table.

Abu Bakr ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Harith ibn Hisham (d. ca. 93/711-12)
Qurashi notable from the Makhzim clan and one of the famed seven
jurists of Medina, known as “the monk of the Quraysh” (rahib Quraysh)
because of his piety. See ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Harith.

Abu Basir (ibn Asid ibn Jariyah al-Thaqafi) (d. before 10/632) Companion
numbered among “the oppressed” (al-mustad‘afiin) who were imprisoned
in Mecca and prevented from making the Hijrah to join Muhammad in
Medina.

Abi Hurayrah (d.59/678) Companion and the most prolific tradent of Pro-
phetic hadith from the first generation of Muslims.

Abu Ishaq (Amr ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Sabi7) (d.129/746-47) Tradent from Kufah.

Abu Jahl ibn Hisham (d.2/624) Uncle of the Prophet killed at Badr, whose
actual name was Abt |-Hakam ‘Amr ibn Hisham ibn al-Mughirah.
“Abi Jahl” means “father of ignorance” and is a pejorative name given to
him for his inveterate and often cruel opposition to Muhammad and his
early followers.

Abu Jandal ibn Suhayl ibn ‘Amr Qurashi Companion numbered those
“oppressed” (al-mustad‘afun) who were imprisoned in Mecca and pre-
vented from making the Hijrah to join Muhammad in Medina. He died at
the age of thirty-eight fighting at the Battle of Yamamah in 11/632.

Abi Kabshah See Ibn Abi Kabshah.

Abu Khaythamah (al-Salimi) Medinese Ally said to have witnessed Uhud and
who died during the caliphate of Yazid I ibn Mu‘awiyah (r. 64-65/683-4).

Abu Lubabah (ibn ‘Abd Mundhir?) Medinese Ally who died soon after the
assassination of the caliph ‘Uthman (q.v.) in 35/656.

Y\A 318

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Abi Lwlwah Slave-client of al-Mughirah ibn Shu‘bah (q.v.) and the assassin of
the second caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab (q.v.).

Abu Musa |-Ash‘ari, ‘Abd Allah ibn Qays (d.52/672) Companion from the
Yemeni tribe of al-Ash‘ar, he was a prominent figure in the early Islamic
conquests and twice appointed governor of Kufah, once under ‘Umar
(q.v.) in 22/642-43 and again under ‘Uthman (q.v.) in 34/654-55. He is
also remembered as one of the two arbitrators, alongside ‘Amr ibn al-‘As,
appointed at Siffin in 37/657 and charged with settling the dispute between
‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah.

Abu l-Qasim See al-Qasim.

Abu Qatadah (al-Harith ibn Rib%) (d. ca. 54/674) Medinese Ally from the
Khazraj tribe and cousin to Ka‘b ibn Malik (q.v.).

Abu Ruhm ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib ibn ‘Abd Manaf Qurashi notable and uncle of
the Prophet. See Umm Mistah.

Abu Salamah ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman (ibn ‘Awf al-Zuhri) (d.94/712-13 or
104/722-23) Son of the prominent companion ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf,
he was also a prominent tradent, jurist, and judge (qadi) in Medina.

Abu Sufyan ibn Harb (ibn Umayyah ibn ‘Abd Shams ibn ‘Abd Manaf) (d.
ca. 32-34/653-5) Qurashi notable, merchant, and chief opponent of
Muhammad during the Medinese period, Abu Sufyan converted to Islam
just prior to the conquest of Mecca. His sons Yazid and Mu‘awiyah (q.vv.)
were instrumental in the early Islamic conquests. See Genealogical Table.

Abii Sufyan ibn al-Harith ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib (d. 8/630) Muhammad’s cousin
and milch-brother, who converted after the conquest of Mecca and was
slain at the Battle of Hunayn.

Abu Talib ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, Abu I-Fadl (d. ca. AD 619) Paternal uncle of
Muhammad and his caregiver after the death of ‘Abd al-Muttalib. See
Genealogical Table.

Abu ‘Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah Emigrant and Qurashi notable from the wealthy
Fihr clan, he served under ‘Umar as the supreme commander of the forces
in Syria until he perished in the Emmaus Plague in 18/639. See Genealogi-
cal Table.

Abu Umamah As‘ad ibn Zurarah (d.1/623) Medinese Ally from the Khazraj
tribe and the first Medinese to pledge fealty to Muhammad at ‘Aqabah.

Abu Yazid al-Madini (fl. end of the seventh century AD) Early tradent of Basra.

¥Y\A & 3319

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Abi Zamil Simak (ibn al-Walid) al-Hanafi (d. before 120/738) Early tradent
of Kufah.

Abyssinia In Arabic, “Habash” or “Habashah”; a name of South Arabian origin
used in reference to the land and peoples of Abyssinia, it was the desti-
nation of several preliminary Hijrahs of the persecuted Meccan Believers
prior to the Hijrah to Medina in aD 622. See Negus.

Adhruh Located in the south of modern-day Jordan between Petra and Ma‘an,
it served as the location for arbitration of the conflict between Mu‘awiyah
ibn Abi Sufyan and ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (q.vv.).

Age of Ignorance (Ar. al-jahiliyyah) Catchall term for humankind’s plight
before God revealed the religion of Islam to humanity through the Prophet
Muhammad with special reference to Arabian paganism.

Ahnaf ibn Qays, al- (d. 67/686) Chief of the Tamim tribe in Basra. He refused
to participate in the Battle of the Camel, though he subsequently joined
‘Aliibn Abi Talib during his conflict with Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan (q.vv.).

Aishah bint Abi Bakr (d. 58/678) Wife of the Prophet Muhammad and daugh-
ter of the first caliph Abi Bakr (q.v), she married the Prophet three years
prior to the Hijrah. See Genealogical Table.

Ajnadayn Battle between Byzantine and Muslim forces during the conquest of
Palestine dated to ca. Jumada I or II 13/July-August 634. Modern geogra-
phers have placed the battle in Wadi al-Samt some nine kilometers north
of Bet Guvrim.

‘Al@ ibn ‘Arar al-Kharifi, al- Minor tradent from Kufah and authority for Aba
Ishaq al-Sabi‘1t (q.v.).

‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib), Abu l-Hasan (d. 40/661) Muhammad’s
cousin and son-in-law, married to his daughter Fatimah, ‘Ali numbered
among the earliest converts to Islam and is regarded by Sunnis as the last
of the four rightly guided caliphs and by the Shi‘ah as the first imam and
Muhammad’s true successor. See Genealogical Table.

‘Ali ibn al-Husayn (ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib) (ca. 38/358-59 to 95/713) Great-
grandson of the Prophet and fourth imam of the Twelver Shi‘ah; known
as Zayn al-‘Abidin, “The Ornament of the Worshippers.”

‘Ali ibn Zayd ibn Jud‘an_ (d. ca. 131/749) Tradent from Basra.

Allat One of the so-called “daughters of God” mentioned in Q Najm 53:19-20
and said to have been worshipped by the Quraysh prior to Islam. See
al-‘Uzza, Hubal.

eye 320

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Allies (Ansar; sg. Ansari) Also “Helpers,” the term ansar is from the Qur’an and
is the principle moniker for the Medinese Arabs of the Aws and Khazraj
tribes (q.v.) who believed in Muhammad and gave refuge to the Emigrants
(q.v.) from Mecca (q.v.; Q Tawbah 9:100, Q Tawbah 9:117). The title is also
applied to the disciples of Jesus Christ (Q Al ‘Imran 3:52, Q Saff 61:14).

‘Alqamah ibn Waqqas_ (d. before 80/700) Minor Medinese tradent.

Amina bint Wahb ibn ‘Abd Manaf ibn Zuhrah_ (d. ca. AD 577) Muhammad’s
mother. Though she reportedly foresaw her son’s future glory, she died
while he was still a boy. See Genealogical Table.

Amir ibn Fuhayrah (al-Taymi) (d.Safar 4/July-August 625) Freedman
(mawld) of Abt Bakr and early convert to Islam, he died at the expedition
of Birr Ma‘tinah.

Amir ibn Lwayy Clan of the Quraysh.

Amir ibn Malik (fl. seventh century AD) Known as “The Lover of Spears”
(mula‘%b al-asinnah; lit., “The One Who Plays with Spears”) and a chief-
tain of the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘ah tribe, he offers the Prophet his protection
for an expedition of Muslims to Najd. The protection is not honored by his
fellow tribesmen and leads to the massacre at Bi’r Ma‘tinah.

‘Amir ibn al-Tufayl Bedouin poet, warrior, and fierce opponent to Muhammad
who instigated the massacre at Bi’ir Ma‘inah alongside his uncle ‘Amir ibn
Malik (q.v.).

‘Amr ibn Abi Sufyan al-Thagafi (fl. late seventh and early eighth century aD)
Early Medinese tradent.

‘Amr ibn al-‘As_ (d. ca. 42-43/662-4) Companion famous for his political cun-
ning, both as the conqueror of Egypt and as a formidable foe to ‘Ali ibn Abi
Talib (q.v.) alongside Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan (q.v.) in the Civil War. He
is the founder of Fustat, the precursor of modern Cairo, established after
the conquest of Egypt.

‘Amr ibn ‘Awf clan Major clan of Medina’s Aws tribe (q.v.).

‘Amr ibn Maymin al-Awdi_ (d. ca. 74-77/693-7) Kifan tradent and early con-
vert from Yemen; companion of Mu‘adh ibn Jabal (q.v.).

‘Amr ibn Umayyah al-Damri_ d. ca. 40-60/660-80) Companion and sole sur-
vivor of the expedition to Bi’r Ma‘tinah (q.v.).

‘Amr ibn al-Zubayr (d. ca. 64/683-84) Son of the prominent Companion al-
Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam (q.v.).

Am) & 321

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

‘mrah (bint ‘Abd al-Rahman) (d. 98/716) Paternal niece of ‘Aishah bint Abi
Bakr (q.v.) and important female tradent.

A‘naqa Liyamit See al-Mundhir ibn ‘Amr.

Anas ibn Malik (d. 92/711) Companion, scribe of the Prophet and long-lived,
prolific tradent of Basra.

‘Aqabah, al- A mountain road between Mina and Mecca where Muhammad
held secret meetings with men from Medina, who pledged him their alle-
giance prior to his undertaking the Hijrah there in 1/622.

Aqsa Mosque, al- (Ar. al-masjid al-aqsa; lit., “the Farthest Mosque”) A location
mentioned Q Isra 17:1 and usually identified with the Temple Esplanade in
Jerusalem by subsequent tradition. Today it is also the name of a mosque
built on the same location.

Ashtar, Malik ibn al-Harith al-Nakha@ al- (d. ca. 37/658) Virulent opponent
of the third caliph “‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.) and fiercely loyal partisan and
general of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (q.v.), he received his nickname “al-Ashtar”
(the split-eyed) from an injury he received fighting the Byzantines at the
Battle of Yarmuk (q.v.) in 15/636.

Ashtat, al- Pool of water near ‘Usfan (q.v.).

‘Asim ibn Thabit First of the Medinese Allies to be martyred by the Lihyanis
at al-Raji‘ (q.v.), he was also the maternal grandfather of ‘Asim ibn ‘Umar
ibn al-Khattab al-‘Adawi (q.v.), the son of the second caliph, ‘Umar ibn
al-Khattab (q.v.).

‘Asim ibn ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab al-Adawi (d. ca. 70/689-90) Qurashi notable,
son of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab (q.v.) and grandson (or nephew, some early
scholars say) of the Ally ‘Asim ibn Thabit (q.v.) via his mother, Jamilah bint
[‘Asim ibn] Thabit ibn Abi l-Aqlah al-Ansari. He was the maternal grand-
father of the Umayyad caliph ‘Umar (II) ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (1. 99-101/717-
20), who was greatly revered by the Medinese.

Asm@ bint Abi Bakr (Dhat al-Nitagayn) (d. 73/693) Daughter of the first caliph
and half sister to ‘Vishah, she married the Companion al-Zubayr ibn
al-Awwam (q.v.) after the Hijrah (q.v.), a marriage that ended in divorce
but from which were born ‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, a claimant to the
caliphate, and ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (q.v.), a seminal scholar of prophetic
biographical traditions.

Asma@ bint ‘Umays al-Khath‘amiyyah (d.39/659-60) Widow of Ja‘far ibn
Abi Talib (q.v.), who subsequently married Abu Bakr and then ‘Ali ibn

YY 322,

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Abi Talib (q.vv.). She had been among those early Meccan followers of
Muhammad who undertook the preliminary emigrations to Abyssinia to
flee persecution in Mecca.

Assembly House (dar al-nadwah) In pre-Islamic times, the main meeting hall
of Mecca located north of the Kaaba and where the elders of the Quraysh
gathered to plan and adjudicate.

Aswad ibn Abi I-Bakhtari, al- (fl. seventh century AD) Qurashi notable who
converted to Islam after the conquest of Mecca, he fought alongside
‘Nishah (q.v.) at the Battle of the Camel and subsequently changed his
allegiance to Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan (q.v.).

Aws and Khazraj ‘The two main tribes of Yathrib from whose ranks the Allies
(q.v.) were drawn and who gave refuge to Muhammad and his earliest
Meccan Believers after the Hijrah (q.v.).

Awtds Wadi where the Battle of Hunayn was fought in 8/630, located near the
oasis of Taif.

Ayyub al-Sakhtiyani, al- (d. ca. 131-2/748-50) Prominent tradent and legal
authority from Basra.

Badr the site of the first of the grand thematic battles of the Prophet’s biogra-
phy in Ramadan 2/March 624 during the Medinese period, located some
159 kilometers southwest of Medina and nearly 50 kilometers inland from
the Red Sea coast.

Bal-Qayn Arabian tribe of southern origin descended from Quda‘ah and
whose territories lay in the regions between Wadi I-Qura and Taym@ (q.v.)
as well as farther north.

Barirah Handmaiden to ‘Aishah (q.v.).

Basra (al-Basrah) Garrison city founded in 17/638 during the Islamic con-
quests of southern Iraq and located near the Shatt al-Arab river. See Kufah.

Baysan (Bet Shean) Site of a battle between Byzantine and Muslim armies
during the early Islamic conquests in ca. 13/634, located thirty kilometers
south of Lake Tiberius.

Bilal (ibn Rabah) (d. ca. 17-21/638-42) Emigrant Companion of Abyssinian
origin and the first muezzin.

Bir Matinah Well located on the road from Mecca and Medina, remembered
for a massacre committed against Muslims in ca. Safar 4/July-August 625.

Bostra (Ar. Busra) Ancient fortified town located south of Damascus and
approximately thirty kilometers north of the modern Syria—Jordan border.

hai g & 323

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Budayl ibn Warqa@ al-Khuzai (d. ca. 10/632) Meccan chieftain of Khuza‘ah
who played a prominent role in the negotiations at Hudaybiyah (6/628)
and converted to Islam after Mecca’s conquest. He subsequently fought
alongside the Muslims at Hunayn (8/630) and Tabak (9/630).

Busr ibn Arta’ah (ca. 3-70/625-89) Qurashi notable from the ‘Amir ibn Lu’ayy
clan (q.v.) and a notoriously vicious military commander for Mu‘awiyah
ibn Abi Sufyan (q.v.).

Caliph (Ar. khalifah, pl. khulafa’) See Commander of the Faithful.

Commander of the Faithful (Ar. amir al-mu’minin) Title borne by Muhammad’s
first successors as the leaders of the Muslim community (ummah) that
emphasizes their leadership of a religious community of believers and the
military role that leadership entails. These leaders are often called caliphs
(Ar. khulafa’, sg. khalifah), meaning “successor” or “vicegerent.”

Companion (Ar. sahabi, pl. sahabah) Honorific for Muhammad’s followers
who either knew him intimately or met him prior to his death.

Dhat al-Salasil A location in the northern Hijaz and the target of a Muslim raid
of the same name in ca. Jumada II 8/September 629.

Dhi |-Hulayfah Located at modern-day Abar ‘Ali, some ten kilometers from
Medina, it is the location stipulated for Medineses to don the garments of
pilgrimage and to enter the state of purity (ihram) required to initiate the
rites of pilgrimage on the way to Mecca.

Dhi I-Majaz Market near ‘Arafah, approximately twenty kilometers east of
Mecca on the road to Taif. Alongside ‘Ukaz, Majannah, and Mina, Dhi
1-Majaz was one of the four markets where the Quraysh would hold their
pilgrimage fairs.

Dhi l-Marwah Located in Wadi |-Qura, “the Valley of Villages,” in the north-
ern Hijaz, approximately a four- or five-day journey from Medina.

Dihyah (ibn Khalifah) al-Kalbi (d.50/670) Mysterious Companion and
merchant, he delivered the Prophet’s letter to the Byzantine Emperor
Heraclius.

Emigrants (al-muhdajirtin) Earliest Meccan converts to Islam, many of whom
were from the Quraysh or their slave-clients (mawali) and who followed
or preceded Muhammad in his Hijrah to Medina.

Fadak Small village near Khaybar, about a three-day journey from Medina.
Fadak was known for its dates and cereals. The fate of the Prophet’s share
in the ownership of Fadak and its produce became a cause of disagreement

ve 324

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

between Abt Bakr and Fatimah (q.vv.). Fatimah claimed ownership of the
land as her inherited right, a right denied her by Aba Bakr.

Fadl ibn al-‘Abbas, al- (ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib) Cousin to the Prophet, who
accompanied him in his last hours and attended to his burial alongside ‘Ali
ibn Abi Talib (q.v.). He settled in Syria after the conquests, and died in the
Emmaus Plague that struck the region in 18/639.

Fahl (Pella) Located twelve kilometers southeast of Baysan, it was the loca-
tion of a battle between Byzantines and Muslims during the early Islamic
conquests in ca. Dhi 1-Qa‘dah 13/January 635.

Farwah ibn Nufathah al-Judhami (d. after 6/628?) Byzantine governor over
the inhabitants of the hinterlands of ‘Amman, or Ma‘an, of al-Balqa’, who
is said to have been crucified at the pool of ‘Afra in Palestine by the Byzan-
tines for confessing belief in the prophethood of Muhammad.

Fatimah bint Muhammad (al-Zahr@) (d. 11/632) Youngest child of Muhammad
and his wife Khadijah (q.v.), and the first wife of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (q.v.).
She bore four children to ‘Ali: al-Hasan, al-Husayn (q.vv.), Zaynab, and
Umm Kulthim.

Gabriel (jibril, Jibr@il) The angel who, in the Qur’an, brings down the revela-
tion to the Prophet’s heart by God’s leave (Q Bagarah 2:97) and who, in
the Bible, interprets the prophet Daniel’s vision (Dan. 8:16-12, 9:20-27)
and announces the births of John the Baptist and Jesus (Luke 1:11-20,
26-38).

Ghamim, al- A place between ‘Usfan and Mount Dajnan.

Ghassan Christianized tribal confederation of the Azd, who migrated from
South Arabia and settled in the Levantine hinterlands of the Late Roman
empire in the late fifth century and rose to power locally as allies to the
Roman emperors. Their rulers, or phylarchs, are frequently referred as the
“kings” (muluk) of Ghassan in Islamic sources.

Ghatafan A group of Northern Arabian tribes whose lands lay in Najd between
the Hijaz and the Shammar Mountains.

Habib ibn Maslamah (al-Fihri) (d. ca. 42/662 or later) Qurashi notable and
military commander of Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan (q.v.).

Hafsah_ (d.Sha‘ban 45/October-November 665) Daughter of ‘Umar ibn
al-Khattab and Muhammad’s fourth wife, whom he wedded in Sha‘ban

3/February 625; her copy of the Qur’an, inherited from her father,

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

purportedly served as the basis for the third caliph “‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan’s
codification thereof.

Hajj (Ar. al-hajj, al-hijjah) Seasonal pilgrimage to Mecca with many attendant
rites, such as the donning of a simple white garment, circling around the
Kaaba, and an animal sacrifice. It must be undertaken in the month of Dht
|-Hijjah.

Hajjaj ibn ‘Tlat, al- (d. soon after 13/634) Companion of the Sulaym clan who
converted at the conquest of Khaybar and who settled in Hims in Syria
during the early Islamic conquests.

Hamnah bint Jahsh_ Sister of the Prophet’s wife, Zaynab bint Jahsh (q.v.), she
was wedded to Talhah ibn ‘Ubayd Allah (q.v.) after her first husband,
Mus‘ab ibn ‘Umayr, was slain at Uhud.

Hamr@ al-Asad_ Elevated location approximately sixteen kilometers south of
Medina, visible from the ravine leading to Mecca.

Hamzah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib (d.3/625) Paternal uncle of the Prophet, early
believers, and martyr at the Battle of Uhud.

Hangalah ibn Sabrah ibn al-Musayyab (al-Fazari) (fl. second/eighth century)
Kufan tradent and grandson of al-Musayyab ibn Najaba al-Fazari, an early
partisan of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (q.v.).

Haram ibn Milhan Medinese Ally said to have been among those martyred at
Bir Ma‘tinah.

Harith ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, al- The eldest son of the Prophet’s grandfather,
‘Abd al-Muttalib; he died before the birth of Muhammad. See Genealogi-
cal Table.

Harith ibn ‘Amir ibn Nawfal, al- (ibn ‘Abd Manaf) (d. 2/624) Powerful Meccan
notable of the Quraysh slain by Khubayb the Ally at Badr and infamous for
having stolen golden gazelles from the Kaaba before Islam.

Harith ibn Hatib, al- (ibn al-Harith al-Qurashi al-Jumahi) (d. ca. 65-86/685-
705) One of the few Muslims born in Abyssinia during his parents’ sojourn
there while fleeing the persecution of the Meccans before the Hijrah.

Harith ibn al-Khazraj, al- One of the five main clans of the Khazraj tribe in
Medina.

Hasan ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, al- (d. 49/669) Grandson of the Prophet and
second imam of the Twelver Shi‘ah, he ended the First Civil War by bro-
kering an agreement with Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan (q.v.) in 40/661 in the
wake of the assassination of his father ‘Ali.

¥yt 326

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Hasan ibn al-Hasan, al- (ibn ‘Aliibn Abi Talib) (d.97/715-16) Great-grandson
of the Prophet and successor to his father al-Hasan ibn ‘Ali in managing
the properties (sadaqah) of the ‘Alids under the Umayyads.

Hasan al-Basri, al-_ (d. 110/728-29) Renowned traditionist, pietist, and schol-
arly authority of Basra.

Hawazin A large northern Arabian tribe that included the Thaqif and the Sa‘d
ibn Bakr (q.vv.), against whom the Muslims fought at the Battle of Hunayn
following the conquest of Mecca.

Heraclius Byzantine/East Roman emperor from AD 610 to 641.

Hejaz (Ar. Hijaz) Region of northwestern Arabia running along the Red Sea
coast and bordered to the East by the Sarat Mountains, it is the sacred
heartland and spiritual birthplace of Islam wherein Mecca and Medina lie.

Hijrah See Emigrants.

Hilalibn Umayyah (fl. first/seventh century) Medinese Ally whose repentance
for not accompanying Muhammad during his expedition against Tabak
was accepted.

Hir@ Mountain located northeast of Mecca where Muhammad is said to have
received his first revelation of the Qur’an.

Hisham ibn Urwah (d.146/763) Son of “‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (q.v.) and, after
Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri (q.v.), the most important transmitter of ‘Urwah’s
maghazi traditions.

Hubab ibn al-Mundhir Medinese Ally from the Khazraj clan who witnessed
Badr and reportedly died during the caliphate of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab
(q.v.).

Hubal According to later tradition, a chief idol worshipped in Mecca (q.v.) as a
deity and before whom the Meccans cast lots. Unlike the so-called “daugh-
ters of God,” Hubal never receives mention in the Qur’an; however, tra-
dition asserts that Hubal’s idol was housed in the Kaaba (q.v.) prior to
Muhammad’s conquest of Mecca, after which it was destroyed. See Allat,
al-“Uzza.

Hubdshah Annual market located in Tihama (q.v.), about a six-day journey
south of Mecca.

Hudaybiyah Located just on the northern outskirts of the sacred territory that
included Mecca, it served as the site of the story of Muhammad drawing
up an armistice agreement with the Meccan Quraysh in Dhi I-Qa‘dah 6/
March 628.

YYV & 327

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Hudhayl Tribe of Northern Arabian descent that resided near Mecca and Taif
(q.vv.).

Hunayn Valley a day’s journey from Mecca on the way to Taif (q.v.) and men-
tioned in Q Tawbah 9:25-26 as the site of a battle fought in 8/630 soon
after the Muslims’ conquest of Mecca.

Hurmuzan (d. 23/644) Former leading general to the Sassanid monarch of
Persia, Yazdegerd III, he was taken captive during the Islamic conquests in
Persia and brought to Medina. He subsequently acted as an advisor until
he was killed by ‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Umar (q.v.), who implicated him in the
caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab’s (q.v.) assassination at the hands of the Per-
sian slave Abt Lw lw ah (q.v.).

Husayn ibn ‘Ali, al- (ibn Abi Talib) Grandson of the Prophet and third imam of
the Twelver Shi‘ah, who was martyred by the Umayyads at Karbal@ on 10
Muharram 61/10 October 680.

Huyayy ibn Akhtab Leading chieftain of the Jewish clan al-Nadir in Medina, he
took up residence in Khaybar with his family and many of his fellow clans-
men after their expulsion from Medina. Huyayy was later put to the sword
by the Muslims in Medina alongside another Jewish clan, the Qurayzah,
for his role in aiding them to plot against the Muslims in ca. Shawwal 5/
February-March 627. See Safiyyah bint Huyayy.

Ibn ‘Abbas, ‘Abd Allah (d. ca. 68/687-88) Paternal cousin and Companion
of the Prophet, a man of legendary learning to whom vast swaths of the
Islamic tradition are attributed.

Ibn Abi l-Huqayq See Sallam ibn Abi 1-Huqayq.

Ibn Abi Kabshah Meaning “descendant of Abi Kabsha,” this was a derisive
nickname for Muhammad, the original significance of which is disputed.
One explanation asserts that Abt Kabshah was an ancestor of Muhammad
from the tribe of Khuza‘ah who became infamous when he rejected his
tribe’s idolatrous religion; thus, Muhammad’s enemies called him “Ibn Abi
Kabshah,” because he too abandoned his tribe’s religion. Other explana-
tions assert that either his milch-mother’s husband or the maternal grand-
father of the prophet’s own maternal grandfather, Wahb ibn ‘Abd Manaf,
was known by the name “Abi Kabshah.”

Ibn Abi Najih_ (d. between 130-31/747-49) Meccan legal authority.

Ibn Abi Sarh, ‘Abd Allah ibn Sad _ (d. ca. 36-37/656-8) Qurashi notable of the
‘Amir ibn Lwayy clan (q.v.) and notorious apostate scribe of Muhammad,

¥YA 328

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

whom the Prophet later pardoned thanks to entreaties on his behalf by his
milch-brother ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.). Ibn Abi Sarh subsequently distin-
guished himself during the conquest of Egypt under ‘Amr ibn al-‘As (q.v.).

Ibn Abi Yahya (d.184/800) Medinese hadith-scholar and teacher of ‘Abd
al-Razzaq al-San‘ani, disparaged for his inclinations toward Shi‘ism
(al-tashayyu').

Ibn Abjar, Hayyan al-Kinani (alive in 76/695) Progenitor of a famous family of
physicians from Kuafah, reputed by some to have been a Companion.

Ibn al-Dahdahah, Thabit A confederate (half) of the Medinese Allies who died
shortly after the treaty of Hudaybiyah.

Ibn al-Dughunnah (al-Harith ibn Yazid) (fl. seventh century aD) Chieftain of
the Qarah clan of the Hun tribe, who were allies with the Zuhrah clan of
the Quraysh.

Ibn Ka‘b ibn Malik See ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Ka‘b ibn Malik.

Ibn Khatal (Hilal ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd Manaf al-Adrami) (d. 8/630) One of
the handful of persons whose death Muhammad ordered upon his con-
quest of Mecca. Ibn Khatal embraced Islam and undertook the Hijrah to
Medina, after which the Prophet appointed him a collector of the alms-levy
(al-sadaqah). He apostatized after he killed a slave in fit of fury because the
slave neglected to prepare his meal. He then fled to Mecca seeking refuge,
fearing that Muhammad would execute him for his crime.

Ibn Mubarak, ‘Abd Allah (d. ca. 181/797) Tradent and legal authority from
Khurasan famed for his commitment to fighting on the frontier and for
works on asceticism (zuhd) and jihad.

Ibn al-Nabighah Term of abuse directed against ‘Amr ibn al-‘As (q.v.). His
mother, al-Nabighah, was a slave woman whom her Qurashi master pros-
tituted, thus casting considerable doubt on his actual paternity.

Ibn Shihab See al-Zuhtri.

Ibn Sirin, Muhammad (34-110/654-728) Basran tradent.

Ibn Tawtis (d.132/749-50) Yemeni tradent.

Ibn ‘Umar See ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab.

‘Tkrimah_ (d.105/723-24) Slave-client (mawila) of Ibn ‘Abbas (q.v.) freed by the
latter’s son, ‘Ali, and an oft-cited authority of traditions from his master.

‘Ikrimah ibn ‘Ammar (al-‘Tjli al-Yamami) (d. 159/776) Basran tradent.

Tkrimah ibn Khalid (d.105/723-24) Meccan tradent.

Yy¥4 & 329

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Ismail ibn Sharis (Abi Il-Miqdam al-San‘ani) (fl. mid-second/eighth century)
Minor Yemeni tradent.

‘Iyad ibn Ghanm (al-Fihri) (d. 20/641) Companion and famed general of the
Islamic conquests in Mesopotamia and Syria.

Jabir ibn ‘Abd Allah the Ally (d. ca. 78/697) Medinese Companion from the
Khazraj tribe, he became a staunch supporter of ‘Ali (q.v.) and his son later
in life, and a prolific tradent.

Jabiyah, al- About eighty kilometers south of Damascus in the Jawlan (Golan
Heights). ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab traveled there as Commander of Faithful
after the Muslims achieved victory over the Byzantines at the Battle of
Yarmiuk (q.v.) in ca. Rajab 15/August 636.

Jafar ibn Abi Talib (ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib) (d. 8/629) Cousin of the Prophet,
elder brother of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (q.v.), and among the earliest converts to
Islam. He was known as “the angel-winged” (dhu I-janahayn) after being
martyred at the Battle of Mu’tah in ca. 8/629. See Genealogical Table.

Jamil ibn Ma‘mar al-Jumahi (d. ca.21/642) Companion and confidant to
“Umar ibn al-Khattab (q.v.) who witnessed Hunayn (q.v.) and the conquest
of Egypt.

Jerusalem Temple (Ar. bayt al-maqdis; lit., House of the Holy) Common name
for Jerusalem in early Arabic tradition, which refers to the location of the
Temple Esplanade in particular.

Jesus, son of Mary (Isa ibn Maryam) Jesus of Nazareth of the Gospels, he is
revered as a prophet in Islam but not regarded as the Son of God, although
the Qur’an does affirm his miracles as well as his virgin birth, and speaks
of him as the Christ (Ar. al-masih) and the Word of God (kalimat Allah).

Jiranah, al- Watering hole between Mecca and Taif where the spoils from the
Battle of Hunayn were divided.

Jufaynah (d. 23/644) Christian writing tutor to the children of the Compan-
ion Sa‘d ibn Abi Waqqas (q.v.) murdered by “Ubayd Allah ibn “Umar (q.v.)
when implicated in the murder of his father “Umar ibn al-Khattab (q.v.).
See Abi Lw'lwah.

Kaaba Mecca’s famous sanctuary, also known as the “House of God” (Ar. bayt
Allah) and “the Sacred Mosque” (al-masjid al-haram), it is a cube-shaped
structure toward which Muslims worldwide direct their prayers and to
which they undertake the greater pilgrimage, the hajj (q.v.) in Dhu 1-Hij-
jah and, in other months, a lesser pilgrimage (q.v.) called an ‘umrah. In

YY 330

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

pre-Islamic times, tradition asserts, the Kaaba was a cultic center of pagan
idol worship patronized by the Quraysh (q.v.), although the Prophet Abra-
ham had founded the site to serve rather as the centerpiece for a cult of
monotheistic worship. It was ostensibly to its original purpose as a site of
monotheist worship that Muhammad restored the Kaaba during his mis-
sion as God’s prophet.

Kab ibn al-Ashraf (d. ca. Rabi‘ I 3/September-October 624) Leader of the
Jewish Nadir clan (q.v.) assassinated by Muslim tribesmen from the Aws
(q.v.) for plotting against the Muslims and for scurrilous verses he purport-
edly composed against the Prophet and the Muslim women of Medina.
See Ibn Abi 1-Hugayq.

Ka‘bibnLwayy Clan of the Quraysh (q.v.). See Genealogical Table.

Ka'‘b ibn Malik (d. 50/670 or 53/673) Bard of the Prophet and Medinese Ally
from the Khazraj clan (q.v.).

Kalb Christianized Arabian tribe of southern origin and a powerful branch of
Quda‘ah (q.v.) whose territories lay in the steppe regions between Syria
and Iraq.

Kalbi, Muhammad ibn S@ib al- (d. 146/763) Early historian and scholar from
Kufah.

Kathir ibn al-‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib Companion, son of the Prophet’s
uncle al-‘Abbas (q.v.), and early tradent of Medina who died during the
caliphate of ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685-705).

Khadijah bint Khuwaylid (d. 619) Muhammad’s first wife, the first to believe
in his prophethood, and the mother of his daughters Ruqayyah, Umm
Kulthim, and Fatimah (q.vv.). See Genealogical Table.

Khalid ibn Sa%d ibn al-‘As_ (d. ca. Jamada I or II 13/July-August 634.) Compan-
ion and Emigrant who converted to Islam after receiving a vision at age
five, he was also among those to undertake the first Hijrah (q.v.) to Abys-
sinia. He is said to have died during the conquest of Syria, either at Marj
al-Suffar or Ajnadayn.

Khalid ibn al-Walid ibn al-Mughirah (d. 21/642) Qurashi military commander
who defeated the Muslims at Uhud but who, after his conversion in 6/627
or 8/629, distinguished himself as one of the Muslims’ most skilled mili-
tary strategists, for which reason tradition calls him “God’s Sword” (sayf
Allah).

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Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Khalid ibn al-Zubayr (fl. first/seventh century) Companion and son of al-
Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam (q.v.), born in Abyssinia.

Khazraj See Aws and Khazraj.

Khubayb ibn ‘Adi the Ally (d.ca. Safar 4/July-August 625) Early Muslim martyr
from the Aws clan.

Khuwaylid ibn Asad Father of Khadijah bint Khuwaylid (q.v.), Muhammad’s
first wife, and grandfather of the Companion al-Zubayr ibn al-‘“Awwam
(q.v.).

Khaybar Oasis approximately 150 kilometers from Medina, famous for the
wealth of its date palms and, during Muhammad's lifetime, its large Jewish
population.

Khuza‘ah_ Northern Arabian tribe closely allied to the Quraysh and key to their
power in Mecca.

Khuzai ibn Aswad (or Aswad ibn Khuzai al-Aslami) Medinese Ally and
member of the expedition to assassinate Sallam ibn Abi l-Huqayq (q.v.).

Kindnah Arabian tribe whose territory lay near Mecca.

Kufah A garrison city, like Basra (q.v.), founded in 17/638 during the Islamic
conquests on the banks of the Euphrates river in the alluvial plain of Iraq.
The city briefly served as ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib’s (q.v.) capital during his vying
for the caliphate and remained a key center for Shi‘ite Islam for centuries
thereafter.

Layth ibn Sa‘d, al-_ (94-175/713-91) Famed tradent and jurist of Egypt.

Lesser pilgrimage (Ar. ‘umrah) Any pilgrimage to the Kaaba (q.v.) in Mecca
(q.v.) undertaken outside the month of Dh |-Hijjah. See Hajj.

Lihyan Clan from the Hudhay] tribe (q.v.).

Malik ibn ‘Awf al-Nasri_ (d. ca. 92/710-11) Bedouin chieftain of the Hawazin
(q.v.) who fought against the Muslims at Hunayn in 8/629 but who, after
his defeat, joined causes with the Muslims and participated in the early
Islamic conquests.

Malikibn Aws ibn al-Hadathanal-Nasri_ (d.ca. 91-92/709-11) Late Companion.

Malik ibn Mighwal (d. 157/774 or 159/776) Kufan tradent.

Ma‘mar (ibn Rashid al-Azdi) (d. 153/770) Basran tradent and principle author
of The Expeditions.

Ma‘n ibn ‘Adi (al-Balawi) (fl. first/seventh century) Companion and tribal
confederate (halif) of the Medinese Allies.

ryvy 332

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Manasi‘, al- Area designated for women to relieve themselves in Medina
located due east of the Prophet’s mosque and north of Baqi‘ al-Gharqad.

Ma‘rir ibn Suwayd (al-Asadi) (d. ca. 82/701) Kifan tradent who purportedly
lived to be 120.

Marwan (I) ibn al-Hakam Companion and first caliph of the Marwanid branch
of the Umayyads (r. 64-65/684-5), he was a formidable power broker
among the Islamic conquest elite from the caliphate of “‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan
(q.v.) onward.

Maslamah ibn Mukhallad Medinese Ally from the Khazraj tribe who was
instrumental in the conquest of Egypt and later served as the region’s gov-
ernor from ca. 47/668 until his death on 25 Rajab 62/9 April 682.

Mas‘td ibn Sinan Medinese Ally from the Khazraj tribe who participated in
the assassination of Ibn Abi l-Huqayq (q.v.) and purportedly died fighting
at the Battle of Yamamah in 12/632.

Maymunah (bint al-Harith ibn Hazn al-Hilaliyyah) (d. 61/681) Muhammad’s
last wife, whom he married in 7/629 during his lesser pilgrimage (q.v.) to
Mecca prior to the city’s conquest.

Mecca the cultic center of the Hejaz in pre-Islamic Arabia and of the Islamic
world thereafter, Mecca was the birthplace of Muhammad and central
hub of its powerful ruling tribe, the Quraysh; it remains the holiest city of
Islam and the direction of prayer (qgiblah) for all Muslims.

Medina Knownas Yathrib in pre-Islamic times and situated about 160 kilome-
ters from the Red Sea and 350 kilometers north of Mecca, it soon became
known as “the city of the Prophet” (Ar. madinat al-nabi) after it became
the destination of Muhammad’s Hijrah, the site of the Prophet’s Mosque,
and the capital for his polity and that of the first three caliphs thereafter.

Mihja‘ (al-‘Akki) (d. Ramadan 2/March 624) Freedman (mawild) of “Umar and
the first Muslim martyred at the Battle of Badr.

Mikraz ibn Hafs (fl. seventh century aD) Qurashi notable of the ‘Amir ibn
Livayy clan (q.v.).

Mina Located in the hills east of Mecca on the road to ‘Arafah, it serves as
a waypoint on the course of the pilgrimage rites for the Hajj (q.v.) and
was the site of one of the Meccan pilgrimage fairs before Islam. See Dhi
1-Majaz; ‘Ukaz.

Miqsam ibn Burjah_ (d.101/719-20) Early Meccan tradent.

yyy & = 333

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Miqyas (ibn Dubabah) al-Kinani (d. ca. Ramadan 8/January 630) Apostate
Muslim whom the Prophet ordered to be killed after Mecca’s conquest.
He purportedly converted to Islam after his brother Hashim ibn Dubabah
was accidently killed during the expedition of Muraysi‘ (ca. Sha‘ban 5/
December 626-January 627) by a Medinese Ally, but his conversion was
merely a ploy to gain access to his brother’s killer, whom he murdered
even though he accepted payment of the wergild.

Mistah ibn Uthathah ibn ‘Abbad ibn al-Muttalib ibn ‘Abd Manaf (d.34/654-55
or 37/657-58) Companion and Emigrant implicated in spreading vicious
rumors against ‘A’ishah (q.v.) and who, according to some authorities,
reputedly fought alongside ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib at Siffin (q.vv.).

Miswar ibn Makhramah, al- (al-Zuhri) (2-64/623-83) Companion, Qurashi
notable, and maternal nephew of ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf (q.v.), he was
revered as one the “scholars of Quraysh” (‘ulama@ Quraysh).

Moses (Misa) Israelite leader of the exodus from Egypt of biblical fame,
revered as a prophet in the Qur’an and the Islamic tradition.

Mu‘adh ibn Jabal Medinese Ally from the Khazraj clan who fought at Badr
(q.vv.) at age twenty-one and whom Muhammad sent to Yemen as his rep-
resentative. He died in Syria from the Emmaus plague in 18/639.

Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan r. 40-60/660-80) Son of Muhammad’s archrival
Abi Sufyan, he converted along with his father at the conquest of Mecca.
After the murder of the third caliph, “Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.), he vied
with ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (q.v.) to become the undisputed Commander of
the Faithful (q.v.), a goal he achieved after ‘Ali’s assassination in 40/661.
Mu‘awiyah was the first in Sufyanid line of Umayyad caliphs. See Genea-
logical Table.

Mu‘awiyah ibn Hudayj al-Khawlani (d. ca. §2/672) Participant and leader in
the conquests of Egypt and North Africa, he was a staunch partisan of
Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan and the Umayyads (q.vv.).

Mughirah ibn Shubah, al- (al-Thaqafi) (d.ca. 50/670) Companion and nephew
of ‘Urwah ibn Mas‘tid (q.v.) who, though notorious for his criminality and
lax faith, earned a reputation as a cunning fox (dahiyah) in the political
realm, serving as governor of Kifa, first under ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab and
later under Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan (q.vv.).

Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Qari_ (fl. second/eighth cen-
tury) Medinese tradent.

vee 334

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr al-Siddiq (10-38/632-58) The son of the first caliph,
and staunch supporter of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib’s (q.v.) bid for the caliphate
during the Civil War. He fought alongside ‘Ali against his own half sister
‘Nishah (q.v.) at the Battle of the Camel and served briefly as ‘Ali’s gover-
nor in Egypt until killed by the supporters of Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan
and ‘Amr ibn al-‘As (q.vv.).

Mulda%b al-Asinnah See ‘Amir ibn Malik.

Mundhir ibn ‘Amr al-Sda‘idi, al- (d. ca. Safar 4/July-August 625) Medinese Ally
from the Khazraj tribe known as “A‘naga Liyamit” (lit., he who hastens
toward death), killed at Bi’r Ma‘tanah (q.v.).

Murarah ibn Rabi‘ah (fl. first/seventh century) Medinese Ally from the Aws
tribe whose repentance for not accompanying Muhammad during his
expedition against Tabuk was accepted.

Nadir, al- Major Jewish tribe in Medina alongside the Qurayzah (q.v.), famed
for their wealth garnered from date-palm farming and for their towering,
fortress-like houses surrounding Medina. See Ibn Abi |-Huqayq; Ka‘b ibn
al-Ashraf.

Najd A name meaning “highlands,” applied to the plateau region of the Ara-
bian Peninsula east of the Hejaz.

Najran Arabian urban center of pre-Islamic South Arabia, Christianized in the
fifth century, where the Himyarites martyred large numbers of Christian
of the Balharith tribe in ca. AD 520. By Muhammad's lifetime, the Axumite
ruler of Abyssinia had constructed a martyrion there commemorating the
martyrs’ deaths.

Negus (Ar. al-najashi; from Ge‘ez, nagasi) Rulers’ title in the Axumite kingdom
of Abyssinia. Named for its capital city of Axum, the kingdom was founded
in the first century AD and lasted until the end of the seventh century.
During Muhammad’s lifetime, Axum was regarded as Christian kingdom,
the process of its Christianization having begun in the mid-fourth century
under King Ezana (r. ca. AD 320-50), and was viewed as major regional
power whose influence extended to South Arabia.

Nu‘aym ibn Mas‘tid al-Ashjai (d. ca. 35/656) Companion involved in the mas-
sacre of the Qurayzah (q.v.).

Pagans (mushrikiin; sg. mushrik) Literally “associators,” so-named because
they were deemed guilty of shirk: giving worship to and seeking the inter-
cession of beings (angels, demons, gods, etc.) alongside and to the neglect

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Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

of the one God. Although Muhammad’s non-Christian and non-Jewish
enemies are portrayed as the primary mushrikiun, in the Qur’an the Jews’
worship of ‘Uzayr (perhaps Ezra or, more likely, Enoch) and the Chris-
tians’ worship of Jesus is considered to render them guilty of shirk as well.

Qadisiyyah, al- Small town on the edge of the settled regions of Iraq, known for
its palm groves. It was the site of a key victory of the Muslim armies over
the Persians in ca. 16/637 that opened Iraq and Persia to further conquest.

Qasim, al-, son of the Messenger of God Son of Khadijah and Muhammad who
died at two years of age and after whom Muhammad was called by the
tekonym “Abt 1-Qasim.”

Qasim ibn Muhammad, al- (ibn Abi Bakr) (d. ca. 106/724-25) Medinese tra-
dent numbered among the so-called seven jurists of Medina; grandson of
the caliph Abt Bakr al-Siddiq (q.v.).

Qatadah ibn Di‘amah (ca. 61-117/681-735) Blind scholar of Basra revered as a
tradent and Qur’an exegete.

Qays ibn Makshuh al-‘Absi_ (fl. first/seventh century) Chieftain of the Murad
branch of the Madhhij tribe of Yemen who converted during the caliph-
ate of Aba Bakr al-Siddiq (q.v.) and who aided the Muslims during their
defeat of the Yemeni prophet al-Aswad al-‘Ansi and, subsequently, in the
conquest of Iraq and Persia.

Qays ibn Sad ibn Ubadah (d. 85/704 or earlier) Companion, Medinese Ally
from the Khazraj clan, and partisan of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (q.v.) numbered
among the “cunning foxes” (duhah) of the Arabs. See Sa‘d ibn ‘Ubadah.

Quda‘ah_ Arabian tribe of southern origin whose territories lay along the trade
routes between Mecca and Syria.

Quizum Ancient town and seaport in the Suez region of Egypt valued from
antiquity for its canal to the Red Sea.

Quraysh Muhammad’s tribe and the one that dominated the affairs of Mecca in
his lifetime and, thereafter, the leadership of the early Islamic polity.
Quraygah_ One of the wealthy Jewish clans of Medina, along with al-Nadir
(q.v.). The men of the Qurayzah were massacred and its women and chil-
dren sold into captivity after betraying the Muslims during the Battle of

the Trench in Dht 1-Qa‘dah 5/April 627.

Qutham ibn al-‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib. Young cousin of Muhammad said to

resemble him, and milch-brother of al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali (q.v.). He reputedly

yya 336

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

died as a martyr in Samarkand in ca. 56/676, where there is a tomb dedi-
cated to him known as the Shah-e Zendah.

Raji‘, al- Watering hole located between ‘Usfan and Mecca (q.vv.).

Rawhd@’, al- Wadi located fifty to sixty kilometers from Medina and a waypoint
for the hajj.

Rugqayyah, daughter of the Messenger of God (d. 2/624) One of Muhammad’s
daughters from his marriage to Khadijah (q.v.), she was Fatimah’s (q.v.)
elder sister and a wife of “Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.).

Sacred House (Ar. al-bayt) See Kaaba.

Sacred Mosque (Ar. al-masjid al-haram) See Kaaba.

Sacred Precincts (Ar. al-haram) ‘The environs around Mecca, especially the
Kaaba, wherein sacred proscriptions, such as those against shedding
blood, must be followed.

Sa‘d ibn Abi Waqqas_ (d. ca. §0/670-71 or 58/677-78) Qurashi notable of the
Zuhrah clan, Companion, and Emigrant, he is credited with founding the
garrison city of Kafah during the early Islamic conquest of Iraq.

Sa‘d ibn Bakr Clan of the Hawazin tribe (q.v.).

Sa‘dibn Mu‘adh Ally and chieftain of the ‘Abd al-Ashal clan of the Aws tribe of
Medina who issued the sentence against the Qurayzah clan (q.v.) and who
died shortly thereafter from an arrow wound suffered at the Battle of the
Trench in 5/627.

Sa‘d ibn ‘Ubadah (d. 16/637) Ally, chieftain of the Sa‘idah clan of the Khazraj
tribe of Medina, and fierce rival to “Abd Allah ibn Ubayy (q.v.). He settled
in Syria during the early Islamic conquests. See Qays ibn Sa‘d.

Said ibn Zayd (al-‘Adawi) d.ca. 50-52/670-72) Emigrant, Qurashi, and one of
the earliest converts to Islam. It was in his house that ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab
(q.v.) purportedly converted to Islam, and he is said to have witnessed the
Battle of Yarmtk (q.v.) and the conquest of Damascus.

Safiyyah bint Huyayy (ibn Akhtab) (d. 50/670 or 52/672) Eleventh wife of the
Prophet from the Jewish Nadir clan of Medina and daughter of a bitter
opponent of Muhammad. Her marriage took place after Khaybar was cap-
tured by the Muslims in ca. Safar 7/June-July 628. See Huyayy ibn Akhtab.

Safwan ibn al-Mu‘attal al-Sulami al-Dhakwani_ (d. 17/638 or 19/640 in Arme-
nia) ‘A’ishah’s (q.v.) escort back to the Muslim caravan when she was acci-
dently left behind and with whom she was accused of having had illicit

relations.

yyy & 337

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Safwan ibn Umayyah (ibn Khalaf al-Jumahi) (d. ca. 41-42/661-3) Qurashi
notable who converted only after the Battle of Hunayn (q.v.) and whose
father was an inveterate opponent of Muhammad and the Muslims. See
Umayyah ibn Khalaf.

Said ibn al-Musayyab (d. 93/712 or 94/713) Tradent of Qurashi extraction
regarded as one of the seven jurists of Medina.

Sal‘ Mountain situated on the outskirts of the center of Medina.

Salim (ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar) (d. ca. 106/724) Medinese tradent and jurist
and son of Ibn ‘Umar (q.v.).

Sallam ibn Abi I-Hugqayq al-A‘war, Abi Rafi’ Jewish merchant and chieftain of
the Nadir tribe (q.v.) assassinated in ca. 3/625 by a band of Allies from the
Khazraj (q.vv.) in a night raid on Khaybar (q.v.). See Ka‘b ibn al-Ashraf.

Sharik (ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Nakhat) (ca. 95-177/713-94) Kufan tradent and
judge.

Shawt of al-Jabbanah, al- Expanse of land north of Medina where the Muslim
fighters mustered prior to the Battle of Uhud.

Shaybahibn Rabi‘ah (d. 2/624) Qurashi notable of the ‘Abd Shams slain along-
side his brother “Utbah ibn Rabi‘ah (q.v.) in a contest with “Ubaydah ibn
al-Harith (q.v.) at the Battle of Badr (q.v.).

Shu‘ayb ibn Khalid al-Bajali (fl. mid-eighth century) Judge (qdadi) in Rayy in
Iran appointed over the affairs of the non-Muslims (‘Gla ahl al-dhimmah).

Shura (shira) Literally “consulation,” in the Qur’an shiira means either an
authority’s consulation with his subordinates (Q Al ‘Imran 3:159) or con-
sultation between power-sharing peers (Q Shira 42:38). After the caliph-
ate of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab (q.v.), shura comes to refer to an “elective
assembly” and an institution whereby appointed leaders of the Muslim
community deliberate to choose one of their number to rule over the
affairs of the community.

Shurahbil ibn Hasanah Companion, Emigrant, and leading commander in the
early Islamic conquest of Syria, he died in the Emmaus Plague in 18/639.

Solomon (Sulayman) David’s son and king of Israel of biblical fame, he is
revered as a prophet and ideal king in the Qur’an and Islamic tradition.

Suhayb (ibn Sinan) (d.38/358-59) Companion and Emigrant known as the
“Roman” (al-rumi) because the Byzantines took him into captivity as a

boy, though his family originally lived in Persian territory near Ubullah

YYA 338

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

along the Tigris. He came to the Hejaz after he had been purchased as a
slave by a Meccan.

Suhayl ibn ‘Amr Qurashi notable from the ‘Amir ibn Lwayy clan (q.v.) promi-
nent in the negotiations at al-Hudaybiyah who converted after the con-
quest of Mecca. He participated in the conquest of Syria and died in the
Emmaus Plague of 18/639.

Sulaym Northern Arabian tribe of the Hejaz whose territory lay in a basalt
desert known today as Harrat Ruhat.

Sunnah A word that literally means “a well-trodden path” but that is used
figuratively to refer to normative practice, especially the practice of the
Prophet Muhammad and his Companions.

Suraqah (ibn Malik) ibn Ju‘shum al-Mudliji Chieftain of the Kinanah tribe
whose pursuit of Muhammad during his Hijrah is miraculously thwarted.
Tradition asserts that he converted after the conquest of Mecca and died
during the Caliphate of ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.).

Syria (Ar. al-Sham) Approximately identical with the Levant in modern par-
lance, including modern-day Israel-Palestine, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and
southeastern Turkey.

Tabik Town located in northwestern Arabia and the target of an expedition of
the Prophet in 9/630.

Taif Fortified town situated high in the mountains, approximately 120 kilo-
meters southeast of Mecca, and famous for its surrounding orchards and
gardens. It was dominated by the Thaqif tribe, who served as guardians of
the town’s shrine.

Tamim Large Arabian tribe of northern descent whose territories lay in cen-
tral and eastern Arabia.

Taym@ Oasis settlement in northwestern Arabia located some four hundred
kilometers north of Medina and known for its Jewish inhabitants.

Thabit (ibn Aslam) al-Bunani (d. 123/741 or 127/745) Tradent of Basra.

Thaqif Northern Arabian tribe that dominated Taif and major trade partner
with Mecca’s Quraysh, with whom they extensively intermarried. See Taif.

Thumamah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Anas (fl. early second/eighth century) Tradent,
grandson of the Companion Anas ibn Malik, and judge (qdadi) of Basra.

Thawr Cave where Abi Bakr and Muhammad hid during their Hijrah while

being pursued by their Meccan enemies.

y¥4 & = 339

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Tihamah Coastal lowland region of the Arabian Peninsula running along
the Red Sea coast from Aqabah to the Bab al-Mandeb between modern
Yemen and Djibouti.

‘Ubaydah ibn al-Harith ibn al-Muttalib ibn ‘Abd Manaf (d.2/624) Qurashi
notable, Companion, and Emigrant martyred at Badr.

‘Ubayd Allah ibn al-‘Abbas (ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib) (d.58/677-78 or 87/706)
Companion, cousin of the Prophet, and brother of ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abbas
(q.v.).

‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Utbah ibn Mas‘tid (d. ca. 98/716) A tradent
revered as one of the seven jurists of Medina, he was also an accomplished
poet.

‘Ubayd Allah ibn Umar (d.37/657 at Siffin) Son of the second caliph ‘Umar
ibn al-Khattab (q.v.), notorious for his pursuit and murder of those he
suspected to be behind his father’s assassination. ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (q.v.)
vowed to hold him accountable for the murders, leading “Ubayd Allah to
make a common cause with Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan (q.v.). See Abi
Luwlwah.

Ubayy ibn Khalaf (d.3/625) Qurashi notable of Mecca, close friend of ‘Uqbah
ibn Abi Mu‘ayt (q.v.), and inveterate opponent of Muhammad in Mecca
who was later slain by the Prophet’s own hand at the Battle of Uhud (q.v.).

‘Udhayb, al- Body of water near the site of al-Qadisiyyah (q.v.) and later a way-
point on the hajj route from Kifah to Mecca (q.vv.).

Uhud Mountainous plateau approximately five kilometers north of Medina
where a major battle between the Muslims and the Meccan Quraysh took
place in Shawwal 3/March-April 635, according to al-Zuhri (q.v.).

‘Ukaz The most prominent of the pre-Islamic Meccan pilgrimage fairs, it was
held in the month of Dhi 1-Qa‘dah prior the pilgrimage to ‘Arafah and
Mecca (q.v.) and was situated southeast of Mecca between Nakhlah and
al-Ta if (q.v.). See Dht 1-Majaz, Mina.

Umaymah bint Khalaf (al-Khuza‘iyyah) (fl. seventh century AD) Companion,
Emigrant, and wife of Khalid ibn Sa‘id (q.v.).

‘Umayr ibn Sa‘d Medinese Ally from the Aws clan who participated in the
conquest of Syria. He settled in Hims, where he served as governor and
died during the reign of either ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab or Mu‘awiyah ibn Abi
Sufyan (q.vv.).

Ye: 340

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Umayyads Caliphs descended from the ‘Abd Shams clan of the Quraysh whose
rule lasted from 40/661 to 132/750, when they were toppled by the Abba-
sids. The first Umayyad caliph was “Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.), but con-
vention recognizes Mu‘awiya ibn Abi Sufyan (q.v.) as the founder of the
dynasty.

Umayyah ibn Khalaf (al-Jumahi) (d. 2/624) Qurashi notable, wealthy trader,
and opponent of Muhammad slain by the Muslims at Badr (q.v.). See
Safwan ibn Umayyah.

Umm Ayman (Barakah bint Tha‘labah) (d. ca. 10/632) The Prophet’s servant
nanny, whom he fondly called his “second mother” (ummi ba‘da ummi)
and to whom he married his adopted son Zayd ibn al-Harithah (q.v.).

Umm Habibah (Ramlah bint Abi Sufyan) (d. 44/664-65) Wife of the Prophet
and daughter of Aba Sufyan ibn Harb (q.v.). She was previously married
to the early Meccan convert ‘Ubayd Allah ibn Jahsh, but when they under-
took the Hijrah to Abyssinia together, “Ubayd Allah converted to Christi-
anity and abandoned Islam, causing the dissolution of the marriage. The
Prophet married her after she arrived in Medina upon returning from
Abyssinia in ca. 8/629.

Umm Jamil (Fatimah) bint al-Khattab (fl. first/seventh century AD) Early con-
vert and sister of “Umar ibn al-Khattab.

Umm Kulthim, daughter ofthe Messenger ofGod_(d. 9/630) One of Muhammad’s
daughters from his marriage to Khadijah (q.v.), she married ‘Uthman ibn
‘Affan (q.v.) after the death of her sister Rugayyah (q.v.).

Umm Mistah bint Abi Ruhm (fl. seventh century AD) Mother of Mistah ibn
Uthathah (q.v.) who reveals to ‘Aishah (q.v.) the involvement of her son in
spreading rumors about ‘A’ishah’s alleged affair.

Umm Salamah (Hind) bint Abi Umaymah ibn al-Mughirah _ d. ca. 59-60/678-
80) Companion, Emigrant, and wife of Muhammad. He married her in
4/626 after the death of her first husband, Abi Salamah ‘Abd Allah ibn
‘Abd al-Asad, who died from wounds received at Uhud (q.v.).

‘Ugbah ibn Abi Mu‘ayt (d.2/624) One the most inveterate opponents of
Muhammad, along with Ubayy ibn Khalaf (q.v.), with whom he is said to
have been friends. He is the father of al-Walid ibn ‘Uqbah (q.v.).

‘Ugbah ibn al-Harith, Abu Sarwa‘ah (dd. before 72/691) Qurashi notable of the
Nawfal clan and reputed executioner of the martyr Khubayb ibn ‘Adi (q.v.).

Yes & 341

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

‘Urwah ibn Mastd al-Thaqafi (d.9/630) Negotiator with the Prophet at
al-Hudaybiyah on behalf of the Quraysh, he later converted to Islam but
was killed by his fellow tribesmen in Taif (q.v.) during the Muslims’ siege
of the city.

‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (ca. 23-93/643-712) Son of the the Companion al-
Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam (q.v.) and prominent tradent, regarded as one of
the seven jurists of Medina.

Usamah ibn Zayd_ (d. ca. 54/674) Companion and son of Zayd ibn Harithah
and Umm Ayman (q.vv.) who distinguished himself in battle under the
Prophet and during the caliphate of Abt Bakr al-Siddigq (q.v.).

‘Usfan Watering hole located two days’ journey by caravan from Mecca to
Medina (q.vv.).

‘Utbah ibn Rabi‘ah ibn ‘Abd Shams ibn ‘Abd Manaf (d. 2/624) Chieftain of the
Quraysh and opponent of the Prophet slain at Badr.

‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan Companion, Emigrant, and Qurashi notable of the ‘Abd
Shams, and the third caliph of Islam (r. 23-35/643-55) known as Dht
]-Nirayn, “Possessor of Two Lights,” after having married the Prophet’s
two daughters, Ruqayyah and Umm Kulthtm (q.wv.). See Genealogical
Table.

‘Uthman (ibn ‘Amr ibn Saj) al-Jazari_ (fl. mid-eighth century) Tradent, preacher
(qass), and slave-client of the Umayyads.

‘Uwaym ibn Saidah_ Medinese Ally from the Aws clan who died during the
caliphate of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab.

‘Uyaynah ibn Hisn ibn Badr al-Fazari_ (fl. first/seventh century) Cheiftain of
the Fazarah clan of Ghatafan (q.v.) whose territory lay in Wadi |-Rummah
in Najd, he converted to Islam just prior to the conquest of Mecca.

‘Uzzd, al- One of the three so-called “daughters of God” mentioned in Q Najm
53:19-20 said to have been worshipped by the Quraysh prior to Islam. See
Allat, Hubal.

Wadi I-Siba‘ Valley outside Basra where al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam (q.v.) was
killed after fleeing the Battle of the Camel.

Wahb ibn Munabbih (ca. 34-110/654-728) Yemeni tradent of Persian origin.

Waki‘ ibn al-Jarrah (d.197/812) Arab tradent of Ktfah.

Walid ibn al-Mughirah, al- (d. ca. 1/622) Qurashi notable, powerful leader of
the Makhzum clan, and vicious persecutor of Muhammad’s followers in

Mecca.

yey 342

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

Walid ibn ‘Ugqbah ibn Abi Mu‘ayt, al- (d. 61/680) Qurashi notable of the
Umayyah clan who converted to Islam after the conquest of Mecca in
8/630. During the conquests, he had a notorious run as the governor of
Kufah under ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan (q.v.), a position he lost due to his reputa-
tion as a debauched drunk.

Walid ibn ‘Utbah ibn Rabi‘ah, al- Son of ‘Utbah ibn Rabi‘ah and Qurashi nota-
ble of the ‘Abd Shams clan slain in a contest with the Hashim clan at Badr
in 2/624.

Waragqah ibn Nawfal ibn Rashid ibn ‘Abd al-Uzza ibn Qusayy Qurashi mono-
theist and cousin of Muhammad’s first wife, Khadijah (q.v.), who was
reputedly learned in the biblical tradition.

Wasil al-Ahdab (ibn Hayyan al-Asadi) (d. ca. 120/738) Kufan tradent known as
“the hunchback” (al-ahdab).

Yahya ibn al-‘Ald@ al-Bajali_ (fl. mid-eighth century) Tradent of al-Rayy in Iran.

Yarmuk River flowing into the Jordan River nine kilometers south of Lake
Tiberius and the name of the most decisive victory of the Muslims against
the Byzantines during the Islamic conquest of Syria. It was fought in Rajab
15/August 636 in Syria in Wadi al-Ruqqad near the river’s banks.

Yathrib See Medina.

Zafar Ancient capital of the South Arabian kingdom of Himyar in the Yemen
and the origin of the beads in ‘Aishah’s (q.v.) prized necklace.

Zamzam Sacred well of Mecca located within its Sacred Precincts southeast of
the Kaaba (q.vv.); legend claims that the well was first discovered by Abra-
ham’s (q.v.) consort Hagar and her son Ishmael and subsequently redis-
covered by Muhammad’s grandfather, ‘Abd al-Muttalib (q.v.).

ZaydibnDathinnah (d. Safar 4/July-August 625) Medinese Ally and Compan-
ion taken captive alongside Khubayb ibn ‘Adi (q.v.) and later killed during
the expedition of Bi’r Ma‘tinah (q.v.).

Zayd ibn Harihtah “The beloved of the Messenger of God” (hibb rasil allah),
who was once considered Muhammad’s adopted son and thus known as
Zayd ibn Muhammad at the time of his conversion. He had been a freed
slave of Muhammad prior to his adoption. Zayd’s adoption by Muhammad
was subsequently nullified by a revelation abolishing adoption (Q Ahzab
33:4-5), and he then returned to his former name, Zayd ibn al-Harithah
al-Kalbi. He is the only Muslim aside from Muhammad to be mentioned

yey & 343

Glossary of Names, Places, and Terms

by name in the Qur’an (see Q Ahzab 33:37). He perished on the battlefield
as the commander of the expeditionary force to al-Mu’tah in ca. 8/629.

Zayd ibn al-Hasan (ibn ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib) Great-grandson of the Prophet
and sharif of the Hashim clan charged with the management of the lands
inherited from the Prophet (al-sadaqat), he lived at least until the reign of
“Umar II ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (r. 99-101/717-20).

Zaynab bint Jahsh (al-Asadiyyah) (d.20/641) Wife of the Prophet, whom he
married in 4/626 after her divorce from his freedman and adopted son
Zayd ibn Haritha (q.v.) in accord with divine command; cf. Q Ahzab 33:37.

Zaynab, daughter of the Messenger of God_ (d. 8/629-30) Khadijah’s (q.v.) and
Muhammad’s eldest daughter, who married Abi I-‘As ibn Rabi‘ (q.v.).

Zubayr ibn al-Awwam, al- Companion, Emigrant, and Qurashi notable mur-
dered in 35/656 after he fought in the Battle of the Camel against ‘Ali ibn
Abi Talib (q.v.). See Genealogical Table.

Zuhri, Ibn Shihab al- (d.124/742) Qurashi notable and eminent founding
figure of the Islamic scholarly tradition. He was Ma‘mar’s (q.v.) teacher and

his principal source for the narrations found in The Expeditions.

Yee 344

O34

SPE

Genealogical Table of

a eee (Fihr) Oe the Quraysh of Mecca

al-Ghalib al-Harith
I

|
1
1

Luayy

a —s Oe
‘Adi ee Murrah i

-- Taym -. a Kilab ie

_- Zuhrah +. ——— Qusayy eee

Abt ‘Ubaydah
ibn al-Jarrah

a ae

' ‘ i 1

! Abi Talhah ; ‘Abd aad we ‘Abd Manaf —-
i) ax

ichalh Aminah ‘Abd al-Rahman Hashim ‘Abd Shams ~~ _
i Aisha (the Prophet’s ibn ‘Awf ,-7" Asad -._ 2 |
: mother) ' 1 |

Umayyah
‘Umar ibn Khadijah

al-Zubayr ‘Abd al-Muttalib |
al-Khattab an | ‘ Harb

Abit Talib ‘Abd Allah —_al-‘Abbas |
‘a . _ Abi Sufyan <Uthman

Jafar ‘Ali | |
MUHAMMAD Mu‘awiyah

ae a a a ae a

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